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From a pencil sketch by Lady Trevelyan, in the 
possession of Miss Lofft Holden, of Hove. 






, « ' 






. t ■ 





Maribbohnb, Wigam. 

NaomAtr^ 1911. 


' The once mighty Napoleon, who nearly despoiled Europe, 
is now confined to the limited space of little more than two 
miles ... on such an Island, and so strongly defended by 
Nature and art, that not all the united efforts of the world 
can wrest him fix)m our hands.' 

Capt. Vincbnt, R.N., to BaTHUrst, February 8, i8i6 
{Colonial Office Records^ 247. 7). 

' II est plus facile de tuer PEmpereur que de lui 6ter le 
caract^re sacr^ et ineffagable qui est empreint sur sa Per- 

MONTHOLON to LowE, December 18, 1818 (Lowe 
Pctpers^ 20^204, f. 66). 

*On doit s'en prendre aux Souverains qui, assemble 
\ Paris, d^d^rent, le 2 aoiit 181 5, que Napoleon Bonaparte 
sezoit rel^gu^ \ Ste. H^^e. Je conviens qu'il ^oit impos- 
sible de choisir une plus horrible prison.' 

MONTCHENU to Lowe, September 11, 1823 iJUowe 
Papers^ 20,133, f. 356). 






THE LETTERS ...---. 171 

APPENDICES - - • - • - 239 

INDEX - .---.-- 296 




nasTKOwsKi ..... frotUispUu 


CAFBL LOFFT - - - - - - 142 

1 WAS WAITING I -.--.-. 304 




• » • • • . 

. . « » • " 




In the suggestive and S3ntnpathetic chapters Lord Rose- 
bery putdished under the title of Napoleon: the Last 
Phase occurs a passage which may be said to supply the 
raisan d'Hre of this monograph. It begins : ' Piontkowski 
remains a figure of mystery/ and concludes : ' but his 
appearance and career at Longwood still require elucida- 
tion.*^ It is that ' mystery ' I have essayed to probe 
iant bien que mal^ and that elucidation I have done my 
little best to supply. If further excuse were needed, I 
mjght find it in another period in the same book : ' More 
especially do people esteem the memoirs of any who came, 
however momentarily, into contact with Napoleon. '^ 

The ' Polish Follower ' at St. Helena came into much 
more than momentary contact with the Captive, and in 
default of any set ' Memoirs ' has at least left us a series 
of letters addressed in the summer of 1817, when freshly 
landed in England from the Rock, to the once famous 
and still remembered soldier and politician. Sir Robert T. 
Wilson. These letters, bound up in one of the volumes 
of the Wilson Manuscripts at the British Museum,^ were 

* P. 130. * P. 3. • Add. MSS., 30,142, f. 41 ei uqq. 



pointed out to me some eighteen months ago by Mr. 
H. F. B. Wheeler, F.R.Hist.S., who added to that original 
service the more gracious favour of waiving what claim 
he had to deal with them himself, and placing at my 
disposal certain preliminary verifications he had already 

Proceeding from the pen of a ' figure of mystery/ these 
Letters were bound to have in style and substance much 
of the unorthodox and unusual about them, though 
lacking that touch of the cryptic which to me formed the 
chief fascination of Dumouriez's holograph manuscript,^ 
the authorship of which it was my lot to infer from its 
masterly ' Conclusion,' and to establish by subsequent 
investigations.' For at least one of the Letters was 
signed, and the identity of the writer was no more in 
doubt than that of his correspondent. But the various 
sheets were so jumbled up, regardless of logical, verbal, 
caligraphical, or even paper and water-mark sequence, 
that straightening out these all but centenarian effusions 
provided one with the more topical diversion of the ' jig- 
saw ' ! Nowhere was a date affixed, and the time devoted 
to the writing of the Letters I have determined approxi- 
mately from internal evidence, and treat of more fully, 
along with other correlated questions, at the proper place 
in my biographical and critical sketch of the writer.^ 

As to that writer, my main sources of information were 
three in number : the Letters themselves I except, as 
they deal chiefly with other figures, from Napoleon down- 
wards ; though, of course, one may gather much of their 
author from them, were it only on Buffon's principle, or 
even that of M. Bertillon. 

^ DumaurUz and iks Defence of England against Napdean, 
by ]. Holland Rose, Litt.D., and A. M. Broadley, 1908. 
\ * See Athenamn, October 17, 1908. * P. 163. 



Firstly^ a longish obituary notice of Piontkowski by 
Cabany in the Nicrologe Vniversel} very flamboyant and 
often inaccurate. Secondly, an article by M. Fr6d&ic 
BCasson in his Autour de Ste. HSline. I shaU have occasion 
to examine critically the latter at considerable length, and 
at the same time to appraise the value of the former. 
Thirdly, the Lowe Papers and the Colonial Office Records ; 
and those were rich in materials illustrating the St. Helena 
period, which is partly covered by the Letters, and which 
I shall be chiefly concerned with as a whole. 

The Lowe Papers^ in the Department of Manuscripts 
at the British Museum consist of 136 volumes, varying 
from 300 to i,200«pages of foolscap. Of these, exactly 
90 are entirely devoted to St. Helena. Then, at the 
Public Record Office, another score of volumes treat of 
the Captivity : these are doubly useful, for not only can 
one check by them, in many cases with the originals, the 
leading items in copy of the Lowe Papers (in which 
function they are analogous to a certain percentage of 
the St. Helena Manuscripts at the Biblioth^que Nationale), 
but they preserve besides a great many subsidiary docu- 
ments of a departmental or other nature, which Lord 
Bathurst had no occasion to transmit, even as triplicates 
to the Governor. These no tomes I have read and made 
copious extracts from — ^too copious to utilize in a single 
monograph. This is not the time or place to give a 
detailed analysis of their contents, though I hope to do 
so some day as a useful piece of spade-work for the 
historian who must eventually come forth and, trained 
and equipped, write the true account of the Last Phase. 
Suffice it to say at this present that I arose from my six 

^ B. M. Ref., 10,600. h. 5. 

* Throughout I use the uiitials L.P. for Lowe Papers, 
rather than the more cumbersome contraction Add. MSS., and 
CO. for Colonial Office St. Helena Records. 


months' reading with two impressions paramoimt — the 
one of profound sadness, mingled with indignation, at 
the ' pity and shame of it all/ and the needless suffering 
imposed upon the illustrious Captive by his custodians 
and his Followers alike, and the other of surprise, to 
use no stronger word, at the manner in which Fors3rth 
acquitted himself of his great task. The former feeling 
has been experienced by millions, and expressed by a 
thousand far abler pens than mine. The latter is less 
familiar ; so let me enter into particulars. 

Forsyth has long been looked upon on this side of the 
Channel as the ' Great Panjandrum ' of the Captivity : his 
book, a St. Helena Bible and breviary combined. Lead- 
ing historians and writers have testified, in their own 
words, to his enormous labour, his patient collation, his 
judicious sifting of the wheat from the chaff, his clear- 
headedness in the maze of materials, his careful rendering 
of all docmnents, and especially his juridical impartiality ; 
and his production almost entirely has Mr. Seaton 
followed in the best-ordered and most scholarly book 
on the subject in the language. It is not his fault, but 
his fountain-head's, if he has fallen into certain errors 
and arrived at some very questionable conclusions. 
Certainly ; Forsjrth's labour was great, and deserves all 
recognition ; his collation, and still more Sir Harris 
Nicolas', most thorough, as even a superficial perusal 
of the Papers proves ; and his systematic handling of that 
' rude and indigested mass ' such as one might expect 
from a man of his training. But there I stop. His 
' judicious sifting '? Well, rather too judicious, and not 
sufficiently judicial! His 'care'? his 'impartiality'? 
Let us see : — 

I. Forsyth suppresses, wholly or in part, * private,' 
' secret,' or ' confidential ' letters of I/jwe, Bathurst, 


Somerset, and others, which in a large number of cases 
supply a very material commentary upon or qualification 
to the ofiidal despatches they mostly accompany (in the 
proportion of one to every three or four) ; in some cases 
show the person or thing treated of in a diametrically 
opposite light ; and in one or two cases reveal features of 
grave, not to say sensational, import. Let us take an 
instance of each, and the last first. At the end of 
chapter xxviii., Forsyth, dealing with the suspicions of 
the English Government of a ' meditated escape,' gives 
us Bathurst's despatch of September 30, 1820, and then 
proceeds : ' And in a private letter to Sir Hudson Lowe, 
written a few days previously,^ Lord Bathurst said, " You 
will receive a dispatch from me respecting the probability 
of General Bonaparte's attempting an escape. You are 
at liberty to show it in extenso to the Admiral . . .^ and 
this instruction will enable you to excite his attention 
without exposing you to the imputation of being un- 
necessarily alarmed." '^ And there Forsjrth stops. Not 
so his lordship. After a mention of Montchenu as * a 
very foolish fellow,' of Buonavita, whom he will allow 
no Catholic in the island to communicate with (in the 
strict sense), and a reference to Las Cases' Journal, 
which he advises Lowe to ' keep quietly at St. Helena, and 
not do anj^thing to revive tl^t question,' he proceeds : 
' I should be much disinclined to your seizing General 
Bonaparte's papers. It would produce a great sensation, 
and I do not think you would make any important dis- 
coveries.'^ The thought of Lowe contemplating an 
outrage of that magnitude and violating the Emperor's 
privacy, not merely ' to see him,' but for a much more 
sinister purpose, is not a pleasant one to his apologist ; 

^ September 22. * The dots are mine. 

• Forsyth, iii. 231. * L.P., 20,131, f. 69. 


and so silet Horiensius I Bathurst, you note, dissuades 
his ' dear General ' merely because Holland, or Burdett, 
or another would make a noise in Parliament. 

As an instance of the second, I refer the reader, aptly 
enough, to the case of Piontkowski and the two several 
judgments passed upon him by Lowe in his official 
despatch to Bathurst of December 30, 1816, and his 
private letter to Somerset of October 19, 1816, which I 
shall quote.^ Forsyth, needless to say, reproduces the 
former ; he cannot, in common fairness, give the latter, 
even in a footnote. 

An example of the first case is supplied by that im- 
portant question of the Limits. Forsjrth gives us, and 
gives us twice (once tabulated), Bathurst's official 
despatch of January i, 1818, in which the Secretary 
formaUy, and with seeming serenity, prescribes the 
Governor's course of action in this and other matters. 
The private letter of the same date, in which Bathurst 
drops the judicial and departmental manner, becomes 
Lowe's casuistical attorney, points out to him the just 
criticisms his actions will arouse, and suggests the best 
means to wriggle out, and in his brutal way asperses 
Napoleon's private character, is a great deal more telling 
than the other. It gives us the spirit of the Detention, 
which, paxadoxally, proceeds always from the ' Letter,' 
never from the Despatch I Hence Forsyth can only find 
room, and double room, for the last-mentioned.* For 
this particular performance of Bathurst's I refer the 
reader to my note to Piontkowski's remarks on the 
^ P. 104. • ill. 361. 

* P. 219. It were instructive, though wearisome to the reader, 
to collate every one of these private letters in the Papers with 
the mutilated fragments given by Forsyth. If the whole letter 
was suppressed (as occurs in a few instances) criticism would be 


2. Forsyth cuts out incidentals really necessary for an 
impartial judgment upon the event he narrates. 

When Madame de Montholon, in May, 1819, wishes to 
return to Europe on the score of ill-health, the Count has 
an important conversation with the Governor on the 
subject, which Forsyth gives at very considerable length 
and supplements with Lowe's letter to Bathurst, wherein 
Sir Hudson seems incredulous about her hepatic affection, 
and uses such expressions as * she being stated to be 
afflicted with liver complaint ' and ' her bad state of 
health was assigned/ and so forth.^ Both Lowe and his 
defender blink the fact that the * statement ' above was 
of an official, professional nature, and that ' it was Dr. 
Livingstone himself who had first declared the necessity 
of Madame de Montholon leaving St. Helena ; that it 
was dangerous for her to remain, not only in consequence 
of the liver complaint under which she suffered, but from 
other causes.'* But Livingstone, of course, did not 
alwaj^ see eye to eye with Verling, and as the latter was 
the ' Governor's man,'* to use Montholon's expression, 

comparatively disarmed ; what chaUenges it is that in the majority 
of cases it is just the passage which teUs against Lowe that is 
cut out, whilst everytiiing in any way unfavourable to the 
Followers or to O'Meaxa is given at length. The following is 
typical of many, and the thing the apologist here veils is Lowe's 
congenital suspiciousness, in this case especially gratuitous : 
On January 27, 1820, the Governor writes Bathurst a private 
letter referring to the transmission of newspapers to Longwood ; 
as a hit is scored against O'Meara, it is quoted at some length. 
This sidelight is spared us, however : ' Everything goes on as 
smoothly and satisfactorily as can be desired — indeed, so much 
so as to lead me not to trust wholly to external appearances, 
but to be watchful and as much on my guard as possible ' 
(L.P., 20,219, f. 84). 

* iii. 164. * L.P., 20,126, f. 303. 

' Which did not prevent Verling falling, like everybody else, 
under the Governor's suspicion. Reade, who, when not actively 
spying, spent his time in ferreting out people's family con- 


the reason for the omission is not far to sedc. Verling, 
be it said, behaved very dubiously in the whole affair. 
He at first agreed to certify Madame de Montholon's 
malady and give her husband a declaration in writing. 
Then he had an interview with the Govemor--one of 
those whispered confidences which even the A.D.C. can- 
not seize.' Lowe, in his own words, ' did not wish to 
interfere.' Dear me, no ! Lowe never does ' interfere/ 
he never does ' interdict ' — ^he is far too wary to commit 
himself to any invidious pronouncement or iniquitous 
inhibition, oral or on paper, which his critics might fasten 
upon I But, somehow, when the Civil and Military 
Governor of St. Helena and Conunander-in-Chief of His 
Majesty's Forces on the Establishment aforesaid summons 
a man — white, black, or yellow — ^into his official presence, 
he so instils the * fear of God ' into his heart that the 
individual in question leaves Plantation or the Castle 
with diametrically opposite views and intentions to those 
he entered it with. Of that there are many instances, and 
O'Meara supplies the great exception. He stood in no 
awe of Lowe. So, here, Verling goes back to Montholon 
and refuses the certificate * of his own free will ' : which 
imfettered volition is so palpably false that Lowe himself 

nectiona — the shadier the better— discovered that the surgeon 
had some Irish relations of the Catholic faith. Lowe, to whom 
everything from that quarter was anathema since the O'Meara 
affair, at once ' saw red/ and promptly imparted his ridiculous 
misgivings to Bathurst. His Lordship administered a well- 
deserved snub — one of four during Lowe's tenure of office : 
' Whatever may be his [Dr. Verling's] connections in Ireland or 
the religious faith of himself or them. Lord Bathurst cainnot 
permit any circumstance of that nature to invalidate the confi- 
dence to which his uniform discretion and propriety of conduct 
up to the date of your last communication so justly entitle him.' 
— Goulbum to Lowe (L.P., 20,126, f. 82). 

^ ' Dr. Verling called this day on the Governor, but addressed 
him at first in so low a tone of voice as to be quite inaudible to 
me ' (L.P., 20,128, f. 416). 


ironically calls attention to it in his despatch to Bathurst 
of October 31, 1820 I * 

Take the case of another surgeon. On his arrival, 
Antommarchi met the medical men of the island, and as 
they showed him great civility and facilitated all his 
investigations in the local hospitals, he thought he would 
make the best return he could ; so, failing an auscultation 
in chief of the Imperial hepar, or a foretaste of that won- 
derful anatomical Atlas he was so keen upon, invited 
four of them to dinner in his private apartments at Long- 
wood. As Forsyth tells us, ' Dr. Arnott pleaded a prior 
engagement. Mr. Livingstone was unwell, and could not 
go ; Dr. Verling and Mr. Henry also sent excuses. What- 
ever may have been their reasons, the Governor had 
nothing to do with it, as he did not interfere at aU.'* 

Antommarchi felt the affront, and hotly animadverted 
to the Governor upon the ' universal terror ' he inspired. 
It may have been a fafon de purler ; and replace ' terror ' 
by ' fear,' ^f you like : but at bottom the Italian was right. 
The moral suasion Lowe knew how to exert was generally 
of a subtle kind (some minor offenders, of course, he 
occasionally ' gorgonized '), and was conveyed by a wink 
just as well as a nod. Relating the affair to Bathurst on 
December 28, 1819, Lowe proceeds (where Forsyth 
stops) : ' By the letter which was addressed to Dr. Antom- 
marchi, dated October 7, a great facility was afforded 
to him of communicating with the Medical Gentlemen on 
the Island in matters relating to his own profession. 
From this moment he appeared to cultivate their ac- 
quaintance with great assiduity, and although I saw no 
objection to the ordinary relations of society between 
him and them, yet the attempt to form a particular 
society with them alone evinced a disposition already 

* L.P., 20,131, f. 148. • iii. 203. 


to wander from the principle upon which I had grafted 
such facility for communication with them/^ It is easy 
to read between the lines of this verbiage. The wink did 
not come after the invitation, and the Governor, doubtless, 
did not * interfere ' at that stage. But it most certainly 
came before ! Really, what did Lowe want ? He intro- 
duces Antommarchi to his colleagues, and to those only ; 
he grants every facility to * talk shop '; he approves the 
* ordinary relations of society '; and yet, when the Italian, 
still in a * shoppy ' way, hospitably tries to enter upon 
the most ' ordinary relation of society ' with the only men 
he has met, the Governor gibbets him to Bathurst as 
a potential misdemeanant ! 

Again, in May, 1820, when the news of the assassination 
of the Due de Berri reaches St. Helena, Montholon calls 
on Montchenu, and takes with him young Napol^n 
Bertrand. The little boy is shown the portrait of the 
hapless Duke, and blurts out, ' Ah, he is dead ; well, that's 
one rogue less !' This puerility Forsyth italicizes for us, 
without adding, however, that the child's next remark is 
one of pleasure at seeing the picture of the Emperor of 
Austria.* It will hardly be believed that the trivial 
ejaculation of this boy in short pants (whose political 
opinions — save the mark ! — ^were, likely enough, infused 
into him by his mother's /^mw^ de chambre what time she 
scrubbed his ears) is seized upon eagerly, not only by the 
otiose Marquis, who, on the ' babes and sucklings ' prin- 
ciple, imparts it to both his Courts, but by the Governor 
himself, who serves it up to Goulbum, Bathurst, Balmain, 
and Thornton (at Rio), amongst others, as ' a tolerable 
clue of the real way in which such matters are con- 
sidered by the Longwood Court.'® When the crude 

* L.P., 20,128, f. 494. * L.R, 20,130, f. 64. 

• L.P., 20,130, f. 176. 


scintillations of Napol6on junior are thus made to derive 
strai^t from the mighty Intellectual Orb whose name 
had been given him, do you wonder that the real atmo- 
sphere of Longwood is siiU to us obscured by mists and 
distorted by mirage ? And it is certainly not Forsjrth 
ever did aught to dispel either or both. 

3. Forsyth adopts unquestioningly the versions and 
views, however erroneous, of any deponent for Lowe and 
against Napoleon : when the other way about, they are 
minutely and mercilessly analyzed. ' Truth obliges ' him 
to subscribe to Henry's inadequate version of Cipriani's 
death and the unworthy inference he draws from 
Napoleon's not visiting the sick man.^ Monsieur Fr6- 
meaux's elucidation sufficiently disposes of this particular 
authority of Forsyth's. 

Another sheet-anchor of his is Basil Jackson, whose 
most noteworthy passage, perhaps, is that given the pride 
of place and the distinction of italics at the very outset 
of his tomes.* It deals with the post of Orderly Officer, 
to which at one time Lowe seems to have thought of 
appointing the Lieutenant, and Jackson quotes Mour 
tholon's words to him at St. Helena : ' My good friend, 
you have had a fortunate escape ; for had you come hither 
as an orderly officer, we would most assuredly have ruined 
your reputation. It is a part of our system^ et que voulez- 
vous dire ?' And Forsyth asks dramatically, ' Does not 
this sentence speak volumes ? ' No ; it does not. It 
speaks Jackson's gullibility and Forsyth's ovineness. If 
the sentence was ever thus uttered (and there's some- 
thing about that French tag which is suspect, not to add 
that Montholon, who was a shrewd courtier, was most 
unlikely to give away a ' system ' when and where that 
system was presumably still being practised), it only 

^ ii. 263. • i. 6. 


shows tliat the speaker was, to use a vulgarism, pulling 
his hearer's 1^,^ and that any trash was good enough 
for Lowe's apologist to build a case upon. For what was 
this ' system ' of ruining the Orderly Officers ? There 
was no such thing. Who was ruined ? Was Poppleton 
ruined ? or Blakeney ? Nicholls ? or Lutyens ? When, 
after twenty months' tactful and faithful discharge of 
extremely difficult duties, Poppleton left Longwood, in 
July, 1817, Napoleon paid him a markworthy tribute,* 
and was even more affable to him than at that interview 
on August 309 1816, which had excited Lowe's suspicion.' 
(Incidentally, if the Emperor was nice to a British officer, 
he was trying to suborn him ; if he was nasty, he was 
insulting the Governor in the person of his subordinate !) 
Throughout his stay at Longwood he was a general 
favourite, which Gourgaud especially bears witness to, 
vMlst even the jaundiced Las Cases thinks him un iris 
homUte homme; and nothing occurred to mar the harmony 
of his relations with the Captives. When Blakeney left 
definitely in September, 1818, he was certainly not pre- 
sented with a snufi-box — ^the fuss over Boys' was prob- 
ably too fresh in the Emperor's mind — ^but he took away 
the regrets of the whole French colony, who had found 
him a very pleasant successor to Poppleton, and Madame 

1 Unlike the grave Bertrand, the fretful Las Cases, and the 
splenetic Gourgaud, M<Mitholon at Longwood was a bit of a 
pince-sans-rire ; witness, for one thing, his successlnl onslaught 
upon. Montchenn's credulity in 1820 and 182 1 as regards those 
untold miUions possessed by Napoleon. As his little jokes 
generaUy partook of the nature of exaggerations more or less 
artistic, it is possible that Montholon was a muclwnaligned man, 
and that his acknowledged falsehood was essentially but un- 
appreciated humour of the Yankee variety. Maybe the mistake 
of his life was his choice of isle and exile, and he would have 
fared better by foUowing, not Napoleon to the Rock, but Joseph 
to Long Island f 

• P. 74. « Forsyth, i. 278. 


Bertrand expressed h&r disappointment at his leaving 
them so soon to NicholIs> Months after his departure 
a breeze occurred with the Grand-Marshal, who, in a 
letter to Las Cases, stated that Blakeney had stigmatized 
the duties imposed upon him as degrading and incon- 
sistent with the feelings of a gentleman. Well, what 
Blakeney may in petto have thought of his duties, or said 
about them in confidence to his intimates, no mortal can 
ever know. He was too shrewd, of course, to make 
public any animadversions of that nature, and, in point 
of fact, Bertrand was in error. But I strongly surmise 
that at bottom Blakeney was much of a mind with 
Lutyens, who, in December, 1820, after being i»:ompted 
by Reade to a particularly repulsive form of prying, 
wrote to the A.D.C. these words, which, given the 
D.A.G.'s power, must have cost him an efEort, and 
doubtless fell short of his actual sentiments : ' With 
respect to obtaining a view of General Bonaparte by 
candle-light, it was impossible to do it without getting 
close up to and actually peeping in at the windows, which 
I could not do with any degree of satisfaction to my own 
feelings/' I don't suppose Blakeney had any more soul 
or stomach for Dutch interiors than Lutyens or the two 
others 1 Then Nicholls. Was Jie ruined ? I fancy the 
Exiles must have been far too amused by his naif ways, 
his bare dozen of French words, and his pathetic attempts 
at ' seeing Napoleon,' to entertain any very black designs 
against him. There was never the least suggestion of 
any contretemps, and as towards the end of his stay he 

* L.P., 20,210, f. 2. 

• L.P., 20,131, f. 297. C/. Reade to Lowe : ' He did not go 
near any of ihe windows last night. It appears as if he was 
afraid of ofEending them ' (L.P., 2o,i32» f. 358). [Original ver- 
sion : ' I leaUy thiidE he is afraid of afironting them '-« 
UP^ «e.207. f . 337.] 


actively assisted the Emperor's new diversion of garden- 
ing, he also left very fragrant memories behind, Montholon 
testifjdng in person to the Governor in February, 1820, 
to the ' good footing ' he had alwajrs been on at Long- 
wood. As for Lutyens, he was at once voted an ex- 
cellent fellow^ and the kejmote was struck in this first 
message of his to Plantation : ' I have every reason to 
think I shall be very comfortable and happy on this 
Establishment.'^ And he was. If there is one gleam of 
brightness about that terribly sad last illness, one feature 
which can bring a smile to your lips as you read, one 
thing which can momentarily divert your anger at the 
miserable suspicions of Bathurst, Lowe, Reade, Lambert, 
and Montchenu ' that ' the whole afiEair is a sham,' it is 

^ L.P., 20,129, ^- 128. 

^ For Montchenu's attitude towards the Last Illness see his 
reports ; for Lambert's, Appendix D. As for Bathurst's, even 
what little Forsyth prints of his despatches is telling enough. 
Lowe's, of course, is carefully veiled by his apologist, and hardly 
a line of this sort of thing appears. On November i, 1820, Lowe» 
writing to his friend Thornton at Rio, denounces Bertrand's 
pathetic letter. to Liverpool as an endeavour ' to work Bonaparte's 
removal from hence on the score of ill-health,' and further dis- 
trusts ' the attempts which, I conceive, are again likely to be 
renewed to obtain the Public Commiseration towards Bonaparte 
on account of his health ' (L.P., 20,131, f. 159). At the begin- 
ning of December Montholon writes an alarming letter to his 
wife, and also informs Lutyens of the serious state of afialrs. 
Whence : ' Your Lordship will observe the marked pains taken 
by Ct. Montholon to impress on the mind of the Orderly Officer 
the opinion and belief of Gen. Bonaparte being very seriously 
indisposed ' (L.P., 20,131, f. 274). ' Ct. Montholon's letter is 
calculated for effect at Paris. . . . Gen. Bonaparte stands so 
highly committed in the different steps taken that he appears 
to have hardly any means of escape, except in actual illness, and 
the anguish of his mind alone, with the mortification that failure 
must inspire, might of themselves be perhaps suficient to induce 
that state of body as well as mind in which he is now represented 
to be ' {Ibid,, f. 272). ' Your Lordship will judge of the colour 
attempted to be given to Gen. Bonaparte's present situation 
by the enclosed extract from a letter from Ct. Montholon to 


the many pretty attentions of the dying prisoner for the 
3^iing Englishman who guards him. He sends him little 
gifts in kind for his dinner-parties and tifiins— one day 
it is a plate of cakes,^ another a basin of turtle^ — he does 
the 20th Regiment, for his sake, the honour of a presenr 
tation of books (which sadly miscarried, alas !), and, when 
Hearing the end, he expresses his satisfaction with him, 
through Montholon, and his hope to see him again, ' if he 
recovers'; the Count personally assming Lowe on 
February 23 that Lutyens ' nous ofire que des motife de 
louanges sur ses procMfe.'^ There was a djdng gift 
came to him, too, for (/ quote Forsyth's own footnote)^ 
* Captain Lutyens gave so much satisfaction to the French 

the Coantess' (Ibid., f. 286). In February, 1821, the Count 
writes stiU more alarmingly to his wife. Lowe rises to the occa- 
sion, too, and on the 15th discounts it to Bathorst thus C3micaUy : 
' The chaque jour la faiblesse augmenU au moral ei au physique 
win not probably have been said without some foundation or 
some design. . . . From the mortification that must have 
sprung at finding the falsehood of so many of his complaints 
laid quite bare, and from the necessity which thus arose to 
substsmtiate some reality for the fictions that had been before 
advanced, much of his present indisposition may not impossibly 
be derived ' (L.P., 20,132, f. 148). 

' Mortification,' indeed 1 It required that last ' mortification * 
of aU to convince Lowe that cancer, though it stiU baffles the 
Faculty, was at least not a species of political intrigue. 

As for Reade, he had one brilliant notion, and thus accounted 
for the Emperor's seclusion. On March 27, 182 1, he writes to 
Lowe : ' From the whole tone of Amott's letter I am persuaded 
that Bonaparte will be out again very soon ; and that his com- 
plaint is nothing more than a fit of BiU brought on by the De- 
claration of the Allied Sovereigns ' (L.P., 20,207, f. 341). Which 
Lowe, on the 29th, thus imparts to Bathurst : ' It is the De- 
claration of Troppau which, / conceive, must have produced the 
present crisis upon a mind and body already too much predisposed 
to agitation from such causes' (L.P., 20,132, f. 338). The 
italics are mine. Seeing the nature of tUe inspiration, it was 
reaUy too bad to deprive the D.A.G. of the full credit therefor 1 

1 L.P., 20,130, f. 123. * L.P., 20,132, f. 160. 

• L.P., 20,132, f. 181. * iii, 279. 



at Longwood that, after Bonaparte's death, the Countess 
Bertrand sent him a piece of coral with some of Napoleon's 
hair.' All of which, naturally, set Lowe and Reade 
against Lutyens, and the former seized the first oppor- 
tunity to depose the Captain for an error of judgment 
innocent of all malice, at the instance of Major Jackson. 
No one who reads the whole correspondence of the case — 
not merely the emasculated fragments given by Forsyth — 
but will confess that Lutyens was most unfairly dealt 
with, and was amply justified in memorializing the Duke 
of York as he did.^ 

Let us add, if 3^u like, the three understudies, Fitz- 
Gerald, Croad, and Basil Jackson himself. The first two 
discharged their simple duties, such as accompanying 
the Followers to Jamestown, to the satisfaction of all 
parties : FitzGerald was quite a friend of Gourgaud's, and 
was much liked by Piontkowski ; Croad I devote a special 
note to.' As for Jackson, he made himself quite at home 
at Longwood, and was equally bien vu and bien refu by 
the Bertrands and the Montholons. 

I come to the one exception, Lyster. In plain English, 
Lyster was a fool who deserved his fate. After two such 
pleasant and tactful young fellows from Deadwood as 
Poppleton and Blakeney, the appointment of this super- 
annuated, sinecure, local ' Inspector of Militia,' with the 
ethics of a carter and, incidentally, the fist of a cook, 
was a colossal blunder on the Governor's part. Lyster 
may or may not have been the * creature of Lowe,' as 
Napoleon termed him (there was certainly one individual 
on the island who answered the description better, in the 
opinion of the Frenchmen and Commissioners alike) ; and 
the letter dictated to Bertrand, for which the latter could 
not be held responsible, might have been differently 

* L.P., 20,133, ^« 224 ; ibid., f. 259. * P. 102. 


couched — and kept to himself by Lowe.^ Then came 
that grotesque and misplaced challenge, followed by that 
still more grotesque and bombastic threat of the horse- 
whip.' Bertrand, who must have been frankly puzzled 
by this insane action on the part of an orderly officer, 
' ce vieiUard en demencCy' and doubtless sincerely thought 
that it was merely a * cover,* perhaps in accordance with 
some English Army etiquette he was imfamiliar with, did 
the only possible thing, seeing his rank, and offered to give 
Lowe himself satisfaction. Forsyth's sneers at his 
' assumed belief ' and his ' safe courage ' are gratuitously 
insulting. No one who knew Bertrand ever doubted his 
courage. Lowe, whose first duty as King's Officer was 
to see the peace was kept, also did the only possible thing 
and merely removed Lyster. ' At the same time,' adds 
Forsyth, ' the Governor wrote to Count Bertrand and 
expressed his concern and extreme displeasure that such 
a letter should have been addressed to him by the orderly 
officer.'* And there Forsyth stops, as usual ; and one 
m^ht suppose the whole matter ended with those r^rets 

* Forsyth, iii. 35. 

■ ' Sir. — ^Your seeming determination not to reply to the 
Invitation I did myself the Honour of sending you yesterday, as 
weU as your refusing to answer my friend's letter on the same 
subject, confirms me in the opinion I always entertained that a 
base assassin (for who so richly deserves the epithet as he who 
vilifies the character of an innocent man in the dark ?) was always 
a pusillanimous Coward ! I now look upon you as unworthy of 
the notice of a Gentleman. Therefore the only weapon I can in 
future use against jovl must be the horsewhip. Ohl how the 
gaUant French will blush when the name of Bertrand is mentioned 
— a man who would submit to such a degradation rather than 
give satisfaction to a British officer he has calumniated, and who 
never gave him the slightest provocation. I shall lay this corre- 
spondence before the French and English public, together with 
your letters to the Governor, and have them judge on which side 
Justice is. — (Signed) T. Lyster ' (L.P., 20,123, f. 150). 

' iii. 36. 


of the Governor. But, licensed fosterling of Themis that 
he is, he clutches at the scales and claps them on to your 
eyes 1 He does not tell you that while Lowe is inditing 
the above amicable expressions, he is instructing the 
officers under him to ostracize Bertrand for densdng 
Lyster that satisfaction he had himself been offered with 
all forms. The order was put into execution at the very 
first opportunity, and when NichoUs is appointed orderly 
officer on September 5 and the Grand-Marshal pays him 
the formal ' visit of ceremony,' Reade instructs the 
Captain not to return that visit} And presently, when 
young Reardon is carpeted and turned inside-out to 
implicate his Colonel, Lascelles (I commend his interro- 
gatory to amateurs of the ' Plantation manner '),* one of 
the questions put to him is, whether he is aware that 
Lyster had threatened to horsewhip Bertrand, and still 
considers the latter a fit person to associate with — a 
more sensible second term had been ' considers the 
former a fit person to be at large.' And so Reardon's 
services are dispensed with, and he is packed ofi to 
England, in a great measure because he, second Lieutenant 
of the 66th, has exchanged a few civilities and some re- 
marks about O'Meara with Bertrand, Lieutenant-General 
{not * local rank ' this time), ex-Governor of Illyria, late 
Grand-Marshal of the Imperial French Court, Count of 
the Empire, soldier and engineer of European reputation. 
Cest d pouffer de rire ! 

Another very debatable pronouncement Forsyth adopts 
straight away, and gives the distinction of italics to, is 
Shortt's opinion on the uncanny r61e played by the liver 
in Napoleon's fatal illness. Arnott, who attended him, 
has the wisdom to qualify it with an all-important 
' perhaps,' which, however, carries no weight with the 

* L.P., 20,210, £. 3. ■ L.P., 20,207, £. 138. 


narrator in question. I deal with the matter in my long 
note on the last days of the Emperor,^ derived from the 
private journal of Amott, which does not always tally 
with his Account, published, with judicious retouching, in 
1822. (I italicize for M. Fr^meaux's benefit.) Inci- 
dentally, For5]rth jumbles up the first and second dis- 
section reports to suit himself, and gives us an innovation 
of his own in the shape of the ' left lobes ' of the liver. 
The second and finally-considered report should have 
been printed exactly as it left the Doctors' hands. 

4. Forsyth picks and chooses documents which sup- 
port his contention, in contempt of the sometimes over- 
whelming number of those of the same category which 
do not. Take the question of the ' isolation of Long- 
wood.' You remember it was one of the very natural 
complaints of the French that as time proceeded they 
saw less and less society, till it seemed almost as if a ban 
had been placed upon the colony and, in the Emperor's 
homely phrase, ' they all had the itch.' Forsyth combats 
this in a footnote as follows : ' It was the habit of 
Napoleon's partisans to represent Longwood as shrouded 
in mystery and gloom, and its inmates as secluded from 
visitors. The following note from the orderly officer, 
which is otherwise unimportant, may be quoted to show 
how little truth there was in the assertion ';* and he gives 
us Blakeney's weekly report dated September 29, 1817, 
in which we get fourteen names of persons who have 
' passed into Longwood,' or its grounds, either on business, 
or to call, or merely to look around. Well, the list is all 
right as far as it goes, though, to be sure. Barker, Porteous, 
Paine, Cole, Bayley, Wells, and tradespeople of that 
kidney, can hardly have added much to the distraction 
of the Captive or his circle. No ; there's nothing wrong 

* P. 192. * ii. 214. 


with it, save that it happens to be the great exception. 
Forsyth was familiar with all the weekly or fortnightly 
lists of the successive orderly officers, and yet he deliber- 
ately picks one of a dozen, perhaps, out of a hundred and 
fifty or so, which show a fair sprinkling of visitors. I 
cannot pretend to such unerring touch, and so will select 
not one list only, but a whole sequence ; it is a sequence 
of blanks ! According to Lutyens's reports, from Feb- 
ruary 7 till September ii, 1820— over seven months — 
Longwood might almost have been the habitation of the 
dead. Barring Admiral Lambert, who on August 4 paid 
a short duty call upon Montholon on his taking up his 
command, and Mrs. South, who on August 38 ' sent in 
her card ' (a P.P.C.), not one visitor is recorded. During all 
those successive weeks the only persons who literally 
passed in at the Longwood Gate were the three surgeons 
on occasional professional duty, and Ibbetson and his 
clerk Mulhall for the fortnightly payments of the servants.^ 
It is no answer to say that Napoleon was ill and might 
not have welcomed visitors. Of course he was ill — 
desperately ill — ^but he was not officially ill. Lowe 
wouldn't have it that he was ill, and he was ill only to 
the Followers about him. That was not the reason for 
the abstentions. Besides^ there was Madame Bertrand 
at Longwood, who was pining for society. Nor was there 
any dearth of potential or even expectant visitors during 
that period, distinguished or otherwise, as appears from 
Appendix B, On June 5 a Mr. Maitland, passenger on 
the Mellish from Madras, applied to Lowe for leave to 
call on the Exile. The Governor refused on the cus- 
tomary petty ground that this man, a mere passer-by of 
two or three days, had referred to the Captive as ' the 
Emperor.'* On March 29 a Mrs. Rees, by birth a French 

* L.P., 20,212, flf. 133-161. * L.P., 20,204, £. 127. 


noblewoman, landed for a few days, and made a pressing 
appeal to Lowe to visit Madame Bertrand. The Governor 
sent Gorrequer to refuse her the privilege, and that with- 
out assigning any reason.^ And there were others. I 
assert that in 1820 Lowe vindictively isolated Longwood 
in order to pimish all its inmates en bloc for the Emperor's 
animadversions by proxy upon his appointment of Lyster 
in 1818 (see above), and Bertrand's consequent hostile 
attitude throughout 1819, due to his official ostracism 
decreed on that occasion. Let me add that even Lowe 
got ashamed of himself in time, and before the end of the 
year sent Lady Lowe, Doveton, Miss Mason, and a few 
more to drop cards on the Coimtess. 

Or take a medical testimony. Doctors proverbially 
disagree, and one at least disagreed with Forsyth, for he 
rejects him. Dealing with the supposed salubrity of St. 
Helena, he quotes Henry's long statement beginning : 
* For a tropical climate, only 15 degrees from the Line, 
St. Helena is certainly a healthy island, if not the most 
healthy of this description in the world. During one 
period of twelve months, we did not lose one man by 
disease out of 500 of the 66th quartered at Deadwood.'* 
Just so : ' for a tropical climate.' There is more salva- 
tion in that clause than ever was in that climate. Like- 
wise, for a coal and iron centre, Wigan is a clean town, 
where, if you never remove your gloves, you may keep 
your hands white I Henry begs the question in the con- 
venient belief, I suppose, that the Rock was the only 
possible prison for Napoleon. But that is not the point 
so much as the second sentence — that wonderful immunity 
of the 66th under the Assistant-Surgeon's care. What 
does Dr. Baxter, the chief military medical man on the 
island, say ? Writing officially to Lowe on February 7, 

^ L.P., 20,129, £f. 314-322. * L 29. 


1817, shortly before Henry's arrival, he reports upon the 
great sickness prevalent in this very 66th» and deposes 
that in a period of about nine months (see Appendix B) 
506 men have been in hospital, of whom twenty have 
died, d}rsentery and liver inflammation being most fatal.^ 
As Baxter was taking his figures from the 2nd Battalion, 
which, like Napoleon, had come to the island straight 
from Europe, whilst Henry — ^who thinks only of deaths, 
and not of the cases which may have been at death's door 
— ^took his from the ist, which had been seasoned to these 
' tropical climates ' by their service in India, the dis- 
cordance above is easy to explain, and the inference is 
still easier to draw. But Henry is quite good enough for 
Forsyth, and apparently, too, for Mr. Seaton, who clinches 
the climate question with one downright and arbitrary 
assertion : ' No one at the present day disputes its 
healthiness.' As I, for one, dispute it,' and as there is 
a good deal more to be said on this very controversial 
subject, I will return to it in a note to Piontkowski's 
reference thereto.* 

5. Forsyth gives us all items — ^letters, despatches, 
reports, conversations, interrogatories — ^which are in any 
way favourable, flattering, or creditable to the Governor. 
AnjTthing the reverse is suppressed, the only exception, I 
suppose, being the great scene with Napoleon of August 18, 
1816, which he can't pass over. [The * suppression ' he 
has been charged with by Lord Rosebery and others of 
all documents relating to Reade's brutal ' Come out, 
Napoleon Bonaparte !' of September, 1819, ^9 ^ot once 

> L.P.. 20,118, f. 86. 

^ During the Captivity, bien eniandu. Science in a century 
has forged ahead, both in hygiene, which counters climate, and 
in afforestation, which modifies it. A wind-screen of poplars, 
a forest of pine, or a plantation of encaljrptos is a powerful 
adjuvant to the doctor. 

* P. 224. 


in a way, not his, but presumably Lowe's. There's not 
a word about that violation in the Papers.] We get, and 
get €ul nauseam^ those fSte-d-tites with Montholon at the 
end of 1820 and beginning of 1821, in which the Count 
is ' coming round ' to the Governor, and, on one occasion 
at least, positively beslobbers him. Forsyth afiects to 
believe that all these protestations of the Frenchman are 
genuine. I say ' afiects ' ; but it is just possible that the 
narrator, who, with the materials at his command, could 
not discern the grounds of the Lowe-Malcolm quarrel, is 
reaUy blind to the obvious fact that Montholon is playing 
for his own hand — viz., his return, with all rights and 
privileges, to Rojralist France through the good ofGices 
of the English Government — ^and is fooling the Governor, 
as he fools Montchenu, to the top of his bent.^ In justice 

^ The three-comeied finessing is an amusing study. Starting 
with the same premisses — vui., the Spanish and Neapolitan 
risings, the attempt on the Dnchesse de Berri, the unrest in 
France and Italy, and so forth — Lowe and Montchenu arrive 
at the same conclusion, to wit, the very possible retom of the 
Captive to France, by way of an exactly opposite, if parallel, 
middle term. Montchenu distrusts the Lowe-Montholon rappro' 
chement, and reads thereinto a connivance on the part of the 
English Government to let Napoleon escape, and so, incidentally, 
save the British taxpayer (the Marquis's usual view-point was 
the pecuniary) ; whilst the Governor suspects the Montchenu- 
Montholon meetings as tending to ' Imperialize ' the Commis- 
sioner — ^now signing no longer ' of his Most Christian Majesty,' 
but ' of France ' as Lowe informs Bathurst — and through him 
to facilitate the recall, or even the evasion^ of his illustrious 
Prisoner. Cf. ' I am not without some doubts of a certain degree 
of combination prevailing between him, or his Followers, and the 
Marquis de Montchenu, whose language in the last two con- 
versations he had with me appeared most extraordinary. ... I 
never heard him pronounce the name of " NapQl6on " with so 
much emphasis ; he formerly used to call him only " Bonaparte " ' 
(Lowe to Bathurst, September 3, 1820, L.P., 20,131, f. 12). 
Lowe, whilst seeing through Montholon's m*amours to himaeJf 
(which he shrewdly exposes to Bathurst and Goulbum, and 
still more subtiy analyzes to his friend Thornton at Rio (L.P., 
20, 131, f . X59) — seems to have been fairly inirigui by the Count's 


to the former, that top was not much higher than his 
boot's ; for Sir Hudson had an intelligence of a very 
different order from his Most Christian Majesty's Buffoon's 
at St. Helena. An instructive and entertaining item we 
do not get is that remarkable interview between Stunner 
and Lowe on May 29, 1818^ in which some shrewd thrusts 
are exchanged, and which, once for all, had Forsyth only 
condescended to relate it, would have imparted to his 
readers the true inwardness of the coolness between the 
Commissioners and the Governor. Stiirmer gives his 
version to Mettemich in his despatch of June i, which 
M. Frdmeaux reprints at some length (p. 405). Gor- 
requer's version exhibits many differences^ and is even 
more telling.^ En passant^ Lowe's whole attitude towards 

communion with the Marquis; an instance of how his second 
nature, suspicion, conld suspend his first art, inference. Mont- 
chenu, on his side, by this assumption of Napoleonism pro tern,, 
and this abandonment awhile of his famous tSle des deux- 
einquihnes (f .«., France and Austria out of the five Allied Powers), 
fondly thought to inveigle Montholon into State confidences, 
which he should be able to turn to official profit : the Count it 
was, of course — as Bathurst rightly surmised (L.P., 20,131, f. 69) 
— ^who was really duping the Marquis for the obvious purpose 
of doubly grinding his one and only axe. False and fleeting 
though it was, Montchenu's pose, like everything about him, 
was none the less comical. He was already referring to 1812 as 
'when WB went to Russia.' In another few months, had the 
Emperor lived, he would have become the BiU Adams of Auster- 
litz ! One thing is certain, had the suspected ' return from the 
Rock ' ever come to pass : whichever King of Brentford the g<iga 
Marquis might eventually have knelt to, Napoleon himself would 

have had no truck at all with ce c ds Montchenu / 

^ E.g. : ' The Baron became very warm, and said, " I am not 
your Prisoner ; I am neither in an Inquisition nor in a dungeon I" 
'* No, M. le Baron [replied Lowe], and you might add, ' nor au 
secrei nor in a galley ' — ^a favourite expression in greater use at 
Longwood." [' Ce sera plus dans le sens napol^onien ' — Stunner 
to Metternich.] The Baron's warmth increasing, he proceeded : 
" Allow me to tell you, M. le Gouvemeur, that you don't at all 
know how to treat us — ^you have no sang-froid ; you lose your 
temper as soon as the discussion commences ; almost every 


the three Commissioners, useless and tiresome though 
they may have been, is a study in insincerity. It is 
hardly conceivable that the sscme man who could write 
such things as these of Balmain — ' He has long appeared 
to me to be plajdng a double part ';^ ' Count Balmain, 
whom I really consider to be a very intriguing and dan- 
gerous character ';* 'He r^ards himself as a person 
placed here for the purpose of watching me ';* of Stiirmer, 
' The departure of the Baron will rdieve me from one 
of the most troublesome of them ';* and of the whole 
trio, ' Your lordship will, I am persuaded, require no 
conmdent on the concealment practised towards me by 
the Conunissioners and on the impropriety of their inter- 
course with the Followers of General Bonaparte '*— could 
find it in his heart to allay Montchenu's misgivings as to 
the Governor's opinion of himself and his two colleagues 
with the words : ' I shall always know how to appreciate 

single time that I have approached business with you I have had 
to experience ill-humour on your part ; you have almost in- 
variably begun with soUisfis. ... I don't mean by that foolish 
or stupid things, but brusque and hard things, like that schu 
that you made at Count Balmain's the other day. You said to 

him : ' If I dared ' ; something I can't repeat to you as 

he himself did not quite catch it ; but it was accompanied with 
looks, gestures, tnanih^ts." * And Sturmer ends on an exquisite 
note : ' Soon after the arrival of the Commissioners you told us 
in a Conference that Ct. Montholon was known for such a great 
liar that Sir G. Cockbum would never speak with him except 
before witnesses. Eh, bien, Sir, after that declaration, neverthe- 
less, you have never spoken with the Commissioners except before 
witnesses !* (L.P.,. 20,122, ff. 416*421). 

* L.P., 20,126, f. 205. 

' L.P., 20,126, f. 247. This because Balmain had had the 
common sense to doubt the propriety of terming Napoleon a 
' reheOe redouUtble ' / 

• L.P., 20,127, f. 151. 

^ L.P., 20,123, f. 60. An edif3ang despatch in which Lowe 
unbosoms himself to Bathurst on the subject of the Commis- 

* L.P., 20,128, f. 214. 


the honour and the advantage of their presence in the 
Island, even as I am grateful for all the proofs they have 
given me of their goodwill (bienveillance) .'^ Baltnain's 
* double part/ forsooth ! 

Forsyth is so busy pursuing O'Meara down the fuliginous 
bjrways of the Finla3^on Correspondence or hoisting 
Montholon with the petard of his Parthian mendacity 
that he quite overlooks the fact that all slanders do not 
proceed from the surgeon nor all m3rths from the Count. 
But when Lowe gratuitously asperses a Colonel Keating, 
for instance, Forsyth slurs it over with a half-truth at 
foot ;' when Lowe lies, his apologist lies low. In August, 
1819, Hook's Facts reaches St. Helena.* Lowe, who had 

^ L.P., 20,128, f. 388. 

' L.P., 20,118, f. 297 and f. 317. We are told that Lowe wrote 
to Keating as weU as to Bathurst. Just so, but he knew very weU 
that Keating would not get his letter in time. 

' A recent reprint by Mr. Shorter has drawn attention to 
Hook's frothy and catchpenny pamphlet, and it may be of interest 
to see what opinions were passed upon it at St. Helena itself. 
Lowe is fairly severe : ' It is unauthorized in all its parts by me, 
and though I am thankful for his good intentions, yet I wish he 
had been somewhat less pointed in some of his remarks upon 
others. ... Sir Pulteney and Lady Malcolm have, however, the 
least reason to complain, as their names have been brought so 
prominently and so ridiculously forward in the book [LeUers 
from St. Helena] written by the Master of the Storeship, to 
which the other is in great part a reply ' (Lowe to Ellis, Sep- 
tember 25, 18x9, L.P., 20,128, f. 215). And this, to Bathurst : 
' I regret the pointedness of his remarks in some instances upon 
others ' (Ihid.t f. 218). Montchenu, as ever, is amusing, and out- 
Andrews Aguecheek : ' La brochure k laquelle il r6pond ne m6rite, 
ainsi que son livre, que le plus profond m6pris, et si je rencontrois 
Mr. Hook, je lui donnerois nne quantit6 suffisante de coups de 
b&ton, non pour le punir de ce qu'il a dit de moi (qui m'est trds 
indi£F6rent) mais pour lui faire avouer la personne qui lui a donn6 
ses tenseignements, car avec toute sa facility pour tmproviser il 
n'a pas encore acquis Tart de deviner' (L.P., 20,128, f. 386). 
Balmain, with his usual intelligence, sums up the case accurately^: 
' II parait que Tantenr des Fadis est un em|doy6 du Ministdre 
des Colonies k Tile de France. A son passage k Ste. H61dne il 


received the egr^ous Theodore at Plantation in the 
previous November, writes to Goulburn, ' I know the 
author, but not in his capacity as such/^ and thereupon 
instructs Gorrequer to inform Balmain that ' the Governor 
is not aware of the author's name/* Trifles, to be sure — 
mere bagatelles ! But, as Forsyth oracularly impresses 
upon us, it is such straws as these show how the wind 
blows, and then proceeds (while making no mention of 
Napoleon's little gifts to Lutyens, for instance) to register 
religiously every occasion on which the Governor sends 
up a ' basket of fruit ' or a ' box for the books,' or a 
* couple of pheasants,' to Longwood or Hutt's Gate. To 
prove what ? That Lowe could be nice and polite when 
he pleased ? Who denied it ? So could Turpin and 
Claude Duval ; and the greatest rogue tmhanged will offer 
you a light in the street, particularly if a policeman is 
passing, like . . . Amherst or Molesworth, Ricketts or 

^toit sous le poids d'une accusation grave et se rendoit en Angle- 
terre poor y subir un jugement. C'est, 4 ce qu'il paroit, un 
homme d'esprit et un improvisatenr, qui pour obtenir sa grdce 
publia tons ces mensonges. Voil^ ce qu'on en dit k Londres et 
4 Ste. H^ldne' (Balmain to Nesselrode, September 10, 1819, 
Russkie Archtv, 1869, col. 819). Malcolm, rightly, is most 
telling of all : ' Sir Pidteney, on seeing his name so freely spoken 
of, had waited on Lord Melville and requested his Lordship 
would intimate to Ministers that if an3rthing further was said about 
his line of conduct whilst in the Naval Conmiand on this Station 
he would be compelled to write in his own vindication, when he 
should publish satne unpleasant tnUhs. That in consequence of 
this intimation Mr. Hook's book was suppressed.' Thus deposes 
his Flag-Lieutenant, Wright (L.P., 20,129, f. 50). As I pointed 
out at the time to a couple of reviewers, Mr. Shorter was mis- 
taken in giving Hook a bare two or three da3rs on the island — 
even his ' facts ' could hardly have been gleaned in that space. 
He remained twenty-four days (see Appendix B). NichoUs 
roisters his visit, with Head, to Longwood on November 6, when 
' he had no communication with the inhabitants ' (L.P., 20,210, 
f. 5) ; and again, with Reade, on November 15 (Ibid,, f. 6). And 
it was at the Cape, not at St. Helena, that Hook met Somerset. 
* L.P., 20,127, f. 150. * L.P., 20,127, ^* ^84. 


Musketry! Frankly, the most charming thing in the 
Papers is the Governor's little letter of welcome to the 
Abb^ Buonavita when he arrives in the Snipe. It is 
couched in superlative Italian and addresses the old padre 
quite in the Othello strain as ' Most Illustrious and Most 
Reverend Signor.'^ Yes ; but set against that a dozen 
epistles in which mean suspicion, petty malice, and low 
vindictiveness conjoined make your cheek tingle with 
anger as you read. That was Lowe, but not Forsyth's 
Lowe, nor even the Lowe of Mr. Seaton, who apparently 
forms his estimate of the Governor's ethics at St. Helena 
from Jackson's life-tribute to him as a husband, parent, . 
friend, and so forth. Lowe may have been a model hus- 
band, father, stepfather, first cousin, and friend, and yet 
have been a brute to Napoleon. I don't say he was the 
latter quite, but there is nothing in the former to prevent 
it. Mr. Seaton might as well advance that because a 
Lancashire miner is kind to his whippet^ a mere dog, he 
must therefore be even kinder to his wife and children, 
who are humans. As a matter of fact, in some cases he 
half starves the child for the sake of the hound (upon 
which he wagers), and pommels his wife black and blue ! 
The heart of man is a curious, complex, contradictory 
sort of thing, which can sacre and crucify in two beats. 
' You've got to git up airly ' to take it all in, and it isn't 
every Late Fellow of Jesus comprehends it aright. '. 

6. Forsj^h mutilates documents which from their very 
nature should be printed in their entirety. By all means 
boil down conversations, distil despatches, extract in- 
structions, and ' bovrilize ' bulletins ; but one does not give 
the ' chief ' counts of a formal interrogatory or the ' chief ' 
charges of an important court-martial. Such things^ if 
mentioned at all, should be letter-perfect, that one may 

» L.P., 20,128, L 187. 


formulate his judgment upon them as a whole. The 
notorious instance, of course, which M. Fr^meaux has 
spared me the necessity of entering into, is the Stokoe 
Affair, where, out of the ten charges of the court-martial,^ 
Forsyth omits the fifth, sixth, and ninth, the last being 
that classic crime * designating General Bonaparte as *' the 
Patieni." ' This piece of pettiness is so essentially silly 
that, were it not cut out, it might cover the whole pro- 
ceedings with ridicule. The truculent Plampin, one ob- 
serves, took it very seriously, and, with his appetite 
whetted, cast about for other like offenders, and so 
pillories Nicholls to Lowe for a certain report of his : 
' Captain Nicholls has been guilty of the very crime set 
forth against Mr. Stokoe in the ninth charge — ^viz., " I 
saw him leave Napoleon's house " — ^which, though unin- 
tentional on his party would naturally be laid hold of, 
being from an ex-officer under your immediate control to 
your own MilitarySecretary.'* Given the Admiral's nature, 
one is really siuprised he did not see malice prepense in it ! 

Another curtailed item which should have been given 
in extenso is Amott's report of his first visit to Napoleon.* 
But then Forsyth's accoimt of the Last Illness is, as a 
whole, chiefly remarkable, not for what it imparts, but 
for what it withholds. 

7. While professing to give us a faithful presentment 
of affairs at St. Helena, Forsyth throws a cloak over 
entire phases of the life. One may read his three tomes 
from cover to cover (including that Index which was so 
purgatorial to Lord Rosebery) without ever dreaming that 
there was any such thing as spying, official or otherwise. 
spies? Call them what you please — ^inquiry agents, 
zetetics, mouchards^ delators, pressmen, 'tec's narks, or 

* L.P., 20,126, ff. 61-64. * L.P., 20,127, f- 299. 

• L.P., 20,157, f. 2. 


gross gapers and supervisors — ^the place simply stank 
with them, especially in 'i8 and '19. I instance the sort 
of thing in Appendix £. They all spied and reported, 
from the Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the 
Station down to the yam-fed loafers at the sea-gate ; and 
the Gerrard Street of the system was, aptly enough, the 
Alarm House, where Reade cultivated rurally that prime 
Doric way which made him such a favourite with English 
and French alike ; whence he sent out his pet sergeants 
dressed in mufti or disguised as artless Helenians ; and 
from where (as we are told by Lutyens) he ' commanded 
on one side a view of the main street in the Town [there 
was only one], with all the ships at anchor, and on the 
other Longwood House and grounds, with the principal 
road leading to them.'^ Oh, how ideally ' situate ' for 
an agent's pufE in the 5/. Helena Register/* I won't deny 
there were ' spiable ' things and ' spiable ' people, as 
time went on ; but that, I submit, was not the cause, but 
the effect, of the sp3dng : 

* The snrest plan to make a Man 
Is, think him so, J. B.'» 

* L.P., 20,2ii, f. 25. 

' During the bad season the D.A.G. resided at the first house 
on the right, going into the town from the sea-front, nert to the 
Admiral's, and exactly m-i-t^ts Porteous' establishment, where 
the quidnunc Montchenu lodged and the Followers paid calls, 
and where all visitors of any standing whatever, when not asked 
to Plantation House, disposied themselves for their week or so 
on land. Once again the situation was ideal, and doubtless 
there were slits in the window-blinds ! Reade, though only an 
undistinguished Captain in a foot regiment (via the Lancashire 
MiUtia), pitchforked for the time being into a local Lieutenant- 
Colon^cy (' I dread returning to my Regiment at Gibraltar 
as a Captain/ Reade to Lowe, December 3, 1821, L.P., 20,207, 
f. 383), had that intuitive perception of the strategic point and 
the ' key ' position which marked the Roman officer of old. 
' Or ever the knightly years were gone,' Sir Thomas (of Cumbrian 
stock) must have been a sub-centurion in a Legion of Hadrian 
and spied upon the Barbarians through a chink in the Wall I 


and the converse is even truer. Had the ' foreigners at 
Longwood ' (and others) been from the first trusted, they 
would never have given cause for distrust. 

8. Fors}rth euphemizes absurdly. For a chief instance 
I refer the reader to the question of the relations of Lowe 
and Malcolm I deal with at some length.^ 

9. Forsyth, if it comes to care and conscientiousness, 
cannot translate properly. 

On January 30, 1821, Montholon wrote to the Governor 
on the subject of the proposed new Phs^sician and Fol- 
lowers. The last paragraph ran : ^ Le parti qu'a pris 
Milord Bathurst de s'adresser au Cardinal Fesch k Rome, 
qui paroissoit sage, s'est trouv6 en d^faut,' etc.* Forsyth 
gives it : ' The part taken by Lord Bathurst in addressing 
himself to Cardinal Fesch at Rome, which appeared 
prudent, has proved a failure/ etc.* Prendre un parti in 
French is not the same as prendre part, but let that pass. 
By turning sage^ which means wise, and nothing else, into 
'prudent,' he disnatures the inference, the suggestion 
then being that anybody else's choice but the Cardinal's 
would have been open, not to criticism, but to suspicion. 

Forsj^h cannot even transcribe correctly. NichoUs 
writes in his journal on November 29, 1819 : ' General 
Bonaparte was out early this morning employed in his 
f avoiuite garden with a number of assistants, Count Mon- 
tholon, valets, Chinese gardeners, stablemen, etc. He is 
picking holes in one part of the garden, and raising mounds 
in another, and carrying horse-dung to other parts. Poor 
Uncle Toby exemplified I The General was in his morning 
gown amidst the people at work directing them — ^takes a 
spade at times and begins to potter — sends messages to 
me for carts, shovels, and spades. God send he may 

^ P. 107. ■ L.P., 20,204, f. 144 ; L.P., 20,132, f. 91. 

• iii. 258. 


always continue in this humour during my residence at 
Longwood !' ^ This Fors}^ copies. He omits the horse- 
dung, and is justified ; he omits the avuncular simile, and 
is not ; and when he gets to the passage, ^ begins to potter 
— sends messages to me,' actually prints it, ' begins to 
put in seeds — ^messages to me,' which is grammatical non- 
sense and horticultural heresy .^ 

The foregoing will do for the present ; I shall have later 
opportunities of criticizing Fors3rth. A final word here 
about that unctuous rigmarole at the end in which he 
fixes for us Napoleon's mental attitude during the Cap- 
tivity. There were no * paltry tricks ' on the Emperor's 
part to * make men believe ' this, that, or the other. 
Napoleon was perfectly willing and anxious at first to 
hit it o£E with Lowe ; it was the latter's fault that things 
went otherwise. The Captive felt what was due to him, 
not only as the greatest Will and Intellect of his age, 
possibly the greatest figure in History, but as a King 
anointed and acclaimed of his people, whom no reverse 
of fortune could rob of that sanctity. He did not ' pose ' 
as the Victim ; he was the Victim. If he ' contended ' — 
and how can a soUtary man on a rock really contend 
against two thousand custodians ? — ^it was not against the 
* merciful sovereignty of God,' but rightly against the 
sovereign unmercifulness of the Powers, against the treat- 
ment meted by their mandatory, against the restrictions 
imposed by a Bathurst, against the vexations wherewith 
they were carried out by a Lowe. Whatever may be said 
of his Followers, Napoleon himself bore his cruel and 
abominable exile with exemplary patience and fortitude 
— ^not submission, of course ; but who, free from the mental 
astigmatism of a Forsyth, could possibly have expected 
this last ? What Napoleon at St. Helena thought in his 

* L.P., 20.2 lo, f. 34 ; cf. Ibid., f. 32. * iii. 196. 


inmost heart of the dispensations of Providence is not for 
Lowe's defender or any other presumptuous sophist to 
declare. Even the most outre apologist of the Captivity 
will hardly pretend that Lowe or Bathurst or the Prince 
Regent was the vicegerent of God in the matter. That 
may safely be left to Caricature. If there was one unin- 
tentionally ironical thing the Last Phase gave rise to, it 
was that noted cartoon of Cruikshank in travesty of 
Milton, in which the great Emperor, as the Devil steeped 
in impenetrable murk, appeals to the fair Luminary of 
Heaven, shining unspotted in an imsullied sky, who is 
none other than — ^the Regent ! After that lucus a turn 
they could swallow anything ! 

To sum up in a line, for I am tiring the reader before 
I have even tackled Piontkowski. When a man, a Q.C. 
at that, trained in the use of evidence, lays himself open 
to the forgoing charges, and then calmly sits down and 
writes in his oleaginous Preface: 'I was not asked to 
make out a case for Sir Hudson Lowe, nor, had I been 
asked to do so, would I have consented.' ' ... he betraj^ 
the office of an historian if he assumes the tone of an 
advocate,' *Amiciis Socrates, etc.* * I have not kept back 
one single fact or expression which, whether it told for 
the one side or the other, could by possibility throw light 
upon the great question at issue,' and so forth ad nauseam, 
that man, I submit, is hugging perilously close the hrnn- 
bug and the hypocrite. 

A few words as to the ' usual trimmings.' I have anno- 
tated chiefly from the Lowe Papers and the Records. 
My object, in the main, has been to combine new matter 
with lightness of handling, and incidentally to give a 
little passing prominence to sundry interesting figures 
who hitherto have been relegated to the arridre^lan. I 



have referred but rarely to the Mimorialy the Voice, the 
Recits, and the Journal, all of which the reader is familiar 
with, nor have I attempted the futile task of trjring to 
harmonize those polychrome Four Gospels of St. Helena. 
At one point, with a certain end in view, I have had 
exceptionally to quote Gourgaud with some fulness. I 
have eschewed that common stand-by of the anndiator, 
the merely biographical or chronological footnote, whose 
elasticity is second only to its cheapness. I don't think 
one's speculations upon St. Helena are advanced by 
knowing the correct age of Gourgaud's mother, the exact 
date of Miss Robinson's wedding, the precise rank of 
Osborne, of the 20th, who cut the Bertrand children's 
hair, or the right munber of Esther Vesey's week-ends 
with Marchand — ^all of which are recorded. The reader 
who, like the Arab, has a filial afiEection for figures and is 
nurtured on dates, presumably has Haydn and suchlike 
at his elbow. Now and then, however, for a definite 
purpose — ^usually that of correction — I have gone into 
minute particulars of person or time. Some of the more 
important notes are lengthy. I would suggest to the 
reader to take them at a second reading. Should he 
haply deem them more interesting than the text — ^well, 
we often partake of the salad for the sake of the dressing. 
As for the Appendices, I venture to hope that the work 
I have put into them — B and the other naval ones 
especially — ^will make them of use to future students of, 
and writers upon, the Last Phase, though I can hardly 
expect even the friendliest of reviewers to wade through 
them. When I state that it has taken me ere now an 
hour and a half to have sight of a single ship's journal, 
reeking with the soot of a century, at the Record OfiB^^e, 
it will be granted that those logs, at least, are not of the 
sort that is rolled ! 


The work, in conclusion, has been a labour of love to 
me. Like verse and virtue, research is its own reward ; 
and whatever be the fortunes of this little monograph, 
nothing can rob me of the interest and pleasure I have 
derived from its making — ^which twin sentiments I sin- 
cerely trust I may in some measure communicate to my 





It was in keeping with the irony of things that Piont- 
kowski's exotic and elusive surname should, at its first 
inclusion in an official French document, be shorn of its 
due proportions and deprived of its middle letter, for it$ 
owner was fated to be misjudged and misrepresented 
throughout his chequered existence down to the present 

day. The very least, perhaps, of the many slights he 
was subjected to during that period of his life which 
immediately concerns us was this various and abundant 
misspeUing. I have counted some thirty faulty render- 
ings of the Slavic, from Montchenu's urbane ' Bian- 
towski ' to Major Hodson's semi-barbaric ' Piontikaioski/ 
On April 27, 1815, Napoleon, once again on the throne, 
issued a Decree,^ consisting of three short paragraphs, by 
which he granted a ' dotation ' of 200 francs to the non- 
commissioned officers and soldiers who had foUowed him 
to Elba. Two lists of beneficiaries — there referred to as 
' returned from Elba ' — ^are annexed to this Decree : those 
who possessed the decoration before leaving Fontaine- 
bleau, and those who received it on board the Inconstant 
on the passage to Golfe Juan. In the first one, under the 
number 145, figures * Piontowski, Fr6d6ic.' He rounds 
ofi the Polish Light Horse, the Artillery of the Guard 
starting with number 146. Thus, with the customary 
inversion, the dropping of a consonant and the suppres- 

^ See Appendix A. 


sion of two prenofnsy was the future ' Follower ' set down 
by a clerk at the Tuileries in the list drawn up some two 
or three weeks before it was given to the world,^ That 
was the earliest certain appearance he may be said to 
have made in an official way.^ 

1 The list was made out before the pubtication of the promotion 
of April i6, elae Piontkowski could not have figured as a sous- 
officier (see post), 

' I say ' certain/ and make the following suggestion for what 
it is worth : 

The last of the three famous Proclamations, dated Golfe 
Juan, March i, 1815, distributed by Napoleon on his progress 
towards Paris — ^which he and dozens after him asserted had been 
first printed at Gap, but M. Houssaye has proved were sent to 
the press at Porto Ferrajo on February 25 {/S/j, i. 189-203) 
— ^was that addressed to the army by the officers and men of 
the Imperial Guard, beginning : ' We have preserved your Em- 
peror despite the^many snares that beset him/ and signed by 
twenty-three officers headed by Cambronne. It is reproduced 
in fuU in the Moniteur of March 21, besides being given by 
Peyrusse (p. 289), Chautard (p. 115), and a dozen others. Of 
the signatories, five belong to the Polish Light Horse : Jerzmanow- 
ski. Major ; Balinski and Schultz, Captains ; Fintoski and Sko- 
ronski. Lieutenants. Now there was no * Fintoski ' at Elba. 
Pons de THdrault, who knew everybody on the island and writes 
of the little army in terms of affectionate familiarity, gives the 
Polish officers as follows : ' Jean Schultz, Captain ; Balinski, 
ibid. ; Guitonski, First Lieutenant ; Skoirresuski, Radon, 
Zielenluenoicz, Piotronky, Second Lieutenants' (p. 327). Of 
these, the last may be meant for Piontkowski ; if so, what was 
he doing amongst the officers ? It is quite possible that towards 
the end of his stay at Elba, Piontkowski came into his own once 
more and was granted the local rank of Second Lieutenant, and 
perhaps at Drouot's suggestion embarked, not on the St, Esprit 
with the troop^s, but on the Inconstant with the officers, and 
there in the little cabin affixed his signature to the Proclamation, 
which the grenadiers had copied on board. His fist is sufficiently 
indistinct to aUow for a clerical distortion of his name into 
' Fintoski.' Should the h3rpothesis be too far-fetched, perhaps 
some student of the Elba phase, bearing in mind Pons' list, will 
teU us who ' Fintoski ' was. ' Guitonski ' might be the original 
of course, but seeing Piontkowski's capital letters — ' thus makes 
he his great P's ' — ^the ' F ' is more likely derived from a ' P ' 
than a ' G.' Pons' ' Piotronky ' may also be a distortion of 


Charles Fr6d6ric Jules Piontkowski^ was bom on 
May 30, 1786, at Bladowek, in the province oi Warsaw. 
Of his early years nothing is known, save that, according 
to his biographer, he went as page to the Saxon Court. 
A page, if page he was, could rightly gravitate but into 
the army or diplomacy, and, lacking favour for the latter, 
and apparently, too, for the former, he enlisted as a 
soldier, and between the years 1809 and 1813 saw service 
in the Hussars, the Lancers, or the Life Guards— depo- 
nents differ. In the spring of 1812 he gained a Commis- 
sion as lieutenant de premiire classe^ and, as such, went 
through the Saxon Campaign, probably assisting at the 
Battle of Bautzen, where he might have set eyes upon 
all the three chief figures in his Letters — Napoleon, Wilson, 
and Lowe — and was eventually wounded and taken 
prisoner before Dresden. In the summer of 1814, unlike 
most of his feUow-countrymen, who availed themselves 
of the Treaty of Fontainebleau to go home,* he proceeded 
to Elba, to serve in whatsoever capacity the Man of 
Destiny, whose immediate fortunes, he may have divined, 
were, in spite of all disparity, to be interwoven with his 
own. There was no room for another officer in the little 

Piotrowski, the name of a General mentioned by Michel Oginski 
{MSmoires, iv. 179). Perhaps he had a son who went to Elba ? 
But where Polish names are in question and the writer a French- 
man, one can be sore of nothing. 

^ In pronouncing the name the w is silent. 

' Clause 19 : ' The Polish troops of all arms which are in the 
service of France will be free to go home, keeping their arms and 
baggage, as a token of their honourable services/ 

After the Treaty the Emperor Alexander was solicited by 
Dombrowski to allow^the Polish troops to proceed at once to their 
destination. They were placed under the honorary command 
of the Grand Duke Constantine, and reached home in batches, 
between June 7, when Dombrowski himself arrived at Warsaw, 
and August 23, when Krasinski brought the last stragglers into 


Elban army, and, dropping his rank, Piontkowski was 
enrolled in the Imperial Guard, first as a private in the 
battalion of Grenadiers, and then as a trooper in the 
squadron of Polish Light Horse commanded by the 
dashing Jerzmanowski. The ' squadron ' was a mis- 
nomer, for of the ii8 men who composed it,^ only twenty- 
two were moimted and escorted the Imperial carriage, 
whilst the other ninety-six were soon after their arrival 
converted into artiller}mien and attached to the polygone. 
From the fact that Napoleon was reported by Reade as 
sa3dng at St. Helena that he did not know Piontkowski, 
one infers that the latter never attended the Emperor in 
his drives, but belonged to the gunners. Even then, 
given the mere handful of soldiers at Elba and the visual 
memory of the man who commanded them, the statement 
strikes one as a misrendering of the French. Whatever 
his precise duties may have been, Piontkowski acquitted 
himself of them to the entire satisfaction of his chiefs, as 
Drouot's commendatory lines sufficiently testify.* More, 

A Vivian, in his interesting narrative of his visit to Elba, gives 
OS, with sufficient accuracy, ' about i2o Polish Lancers ' (p. 32), 
and says that the Imperial ' carriage was accompanied by an 
escort of fonr or five lancers and about the same number of 
officers ' (p. xx). As the order to Drouot printed by P61issier 
says two, and that to Bertrand five, one concludes that the escort 
varied in number. The Treasurer, Peyrusse, who perforce had 
to practise economy, puts down the comparatively small sum 
of 378 francs for the keep of the Polish Light Horse during the 
first quarter of 1815 (Appendix, p. 62). One doubts whether 
even that payment was made, seeing that the expenses incurred 
for their transport to Elba originally in xBx4 were not settled 
till 1818 — when the Imperial obligations mic^t well have been 
considered a dead letter I (Ibid., p. 143). P61issier. too, mentions 
the arrears of pay due to tiie Poles for 18x4 on their leaving Elba 
(p. 274). 

A dozen or more Poles were left behind in charge of the ord- 
nance. Pellet (p. 1x6) says exactly a dozen, whilst the Moniteur 
(March 23) makes it eighteen, putting at 100 the number which 
landed in France. 

' See Appendix A. 


he must have given proof of certain social and personal 
qualities which drew unto him the regard of his com- 
manding officer, Jerzmanowskiy and of the Grand-Marshal 
alike. The former's friendship he retained through life,^ 
whilst Bertrand must seaningly have been beholden to 
him for some service of importance, seeing that from 
Elba onwards he showed an attention towards and an 
interest in the yoimg man which one cannot otherwise 
explain. We shall find proofs of that as we proceed. 
No doubt Piontkowski, though not intellectual, was in 
educational equipment far above the average Elban 
trooper. He spoke and wrote several languages very 
fairly, and possessed an excellent memory; he had a 
good knowledge of the world and of his profession ; he 
could be relied upon in an emergency ; and, whilst never 
averse from a little embroidery when telling a story, in 
matters of moment, financial or other, he was strictly 
scrupulous. Add thereto that rarest of virtues, grati- 

When Napoleon embarked on the Inconstant with the 
400 Grenadiers originally allowed him by the Treaty, the 
Polish Squadron was accommodated almost in its entirety 
on the St. Esprit^ the rough-and-ready seizure of which 
Peyrusse gives an amusing account of.^ The quarters 
were so cramped that even the few horses they intended 
taking had to be sacrificed, only the officers retaining 
their mounts ; and Piontkowski and his fellow-troopers 
started bravely upon that adventurous march to Paris, 
tramping in the van up hill and down dale through the 
snow, cheerfully carrying their saddles ^and bridles — 

^ See p. X67. There are a good many references in the Elba 
writers to the Baron, mostly of a military nature. Labadie, 
in addition, tells of the ' superb dinners/ and Laborde of the 
' farOliant balls ' he gave. 

* P. 273. 


* bowed beneath the weight of this enormoiis baggage,' 
as Fleury de Chaboulon puts it. It was not till Grenoble 
was reached, probably, that the Poles were enabled to 
cut their custoniary figure, and thenceforward rode either 
at the head or on the wing of the ever-growing army. 
On the last day or so, Laborde tells us, they pushed on 
swiftly in order to receive Napoleon when he trium- 
phantly entered Fontainebleau, which he had quitted 
eleven months before. 

What Piontkowski did in Paris during the Hundred 
Days is impossible to determine exactly. He resided at 
the H6tel d'Aumont, and may possibly have met his 
future wife there. One infers from the Letters that he 
attended most of those reviews Napoleon held, at the 
rate of three or four a week, previous to setting out upon 
his last Campaign ; and he presumably did not let the 
grass grow under his feet, for we find that on April i6 
the subaltern turned trooper once more regains his lost 
rank, and is that day promoted to a Lieutenancy in the 
Cavahy. As no regiment was mentioned, he addresses 
a petition^ to Davoust on April 25, asking to be appointed 
to the Staff or the Hussars. This supplique, warmly 
endorsed by Drouot, is forwarded on May i to the War 
Office, with the result that the petitioner is sent to the 
7th, and later to the 2nd, Lancers. With these he took 
part in the fighting in Belgium, and may have been one 
of that very body of Polish Light Horse who speared Sir 
William Ponsonby to death at Waterloo.* Incidentally, 
the role which his well-meaning but hyperbolical bio- 
grapher makes him play during the Campaign is exceed- 
ingly diverting. Piontkowski himself could never have 
penned such a flamboyant farrago ! 

^ See Appendix A. 

' Morning Chronicle, August 8, 181 5. 


With the fallen Emperor's retirement to La Malmaison 
on June 25 we tread upon firmer ground, for it is here 
that Piontkowski introduces himself to us in the Letters. 
He seems to have been drawn thither chiefly out of 
genuine, if quixotic, devotion to Napoleon, but may 
have had an intuition that Bertrand might do something 
handsome for- him. Nor was he wrong. The Grand- 
Marshal, when still at the £lys6e, gave him a written 
permit^ to accompany the Emperor, drawn up in like 
terms to those delivered to Planat and the orderly officers, 
and apparently procured him a promotion, for on that 
permit, and in every other document thenceforward, 
Piontkowski figures as Captain. It is impossible to time 
exactly this accretion of rank which at a subsequent 
period, Lowe, of all persons, called into question.* You 
remember that Gourgaud was created General three days 
after Waterloo, when, as M. Masson tells us, ' the Empire 
no longer existed ' — ^in his letter to Lowe of June 10, 
1818, Gourgaud refers to himself as General at Waterloo.^ 
Possibly — ^nay, most probably — ^when the Emperor was 
solicited by Bertrand to let the young Polish Lieutenant 
follow his fortunes and granted that favour, he vouch- 
safed besides the ' additional act ' of a Captaincy, which 
brought its recipient into line with the other followers 
of the second class. Without labouring the point, we 
may fairly assume that this higher rank, which at the 
time itself only the atrabilious Planat begrudges him, was 
bestowed upon Piontkowski in as official a manner as 
most of the appointments made in that chaotic fortnight, 

^ See Appendix A. 

* On the very day, too, that Piontkowski had received yet 
further promotion, and been made Chef d'Escadran (CO., 247.6). 
Lowe, be it said, did not know of this last till much later (L.P., 
20,119, f. 35 1>. 

^ L.P., 20,204, f. 52. 


when the prerogatives of sovereignty were vested, with 
like effect, in Louis, Fouch6, and Napoleon, according to 

Of his journey to Rochefort we have two versions from 
the pen of Piontkowski : that in the text of the Letters^ 
and that I give as a footnote ; the latter is taken from 
the Biography, where it is quoted from an old letter. 
The two accounts, written, it would seem, at an interval 
of some years, are in perfect accord, exhibiting but one 
or two variations of a negligible character. When 
Cabany curbs his own riotous fancy and lets his hero 
speak, one generally comes by the truth ; no sooner 
does he take up his pen again than he places the Captain 
upon the Bellerophony and leaves him there 'for the 
journey. Piontkowski was not the only Pole who thought 
to accompany the Emperor. Montholon deposes there 
were ' several,' and regrets he cannot recall their names.^ 
He need not have overtaxed his memory, for they were 
only four all told. Baron Jerzmanowski, that bright 
and particular Polar star of Elba, got no farther than 
La Malmaison. He was to follow Napoleon ' as soon as 
his son was established on the throne ' : if the first was 
contingent upon the second, no wonder the Exile had to 
forego the society of a man who would have done much 
to enliven the little Longwood Court. Then there was 
a certain ' Stupinski,' according to Gourgaud,* who was 
very likely the same with Skoronski, the Elba Lieutenant. 
The diarist might the rather have misspelt him ' Stupidski, ' 
for at the last moment, ' just as the carriage was moving 
off ' from La Malmaison, he insisted upon bundling himself 
and tus wife into the A.D.C.'s conveyance. The lady 
was pretty, and Gourgaud was the most susceptible of 
men ; but the time was ill-chosen, the pair perforce were 

^ R4cUs, i. 26. ' Jownal, ii. 557. 


turned adrift at the first stopping-place, Rambouillet. 
Thirdly came Lieutenant-Colonel Schultz, also of the 
Elban Squadron (then brother - Captain to Balinski), 
who got as far as the Northumberlandy where we shall 
find him anon. Fourthly came Piontkowski himself. 
Two main routes were chosen by the fugitives. Whilst 
the Emperor, with Rovigo, Bertrand and Beker, posted 
by Venddme, Tours, Poitiers, and Niort, and entered 
Rochefort from the north-east, and Gourgaud followed 
close upon their heels, the others fetched a compass after 
Niort and reached the seaport vid Saintes. Piont- 
kowski had charge of Madame Bertrand and her children, 
and acquitted himself of this friendly duty, imposed 
upon him by the Grand-Marshal, with tact and punc- 
tuality. One incident he relates is not unamusing. On 
the alarms and excursions that marked the sojourn at 
Rochefort and the Island of Aix I need not dwell : they 
have been exhaustively described by M. Houssaye and 
others. The rdle the Captain played was necessarily 
very small, but his witness at first hand to the events of 
those days of sorrow and suspense has at least the value 
of corroboration, and furnishes us besides with one or two 
novel and graphic touches. When at 7 a.m., on July 15, 
Napoleon boarded the BeUerophoity the whole of his suite, 
ofiicers and servants, followed him, and were somehow 
accommodated for the night.^ On the i6th, at 10 a.m., 

^ It IS at this juncture that we first meet with Piontkowski's 
name in reports, journals, etc., and always with some novel dis- 
tortion. Maitlaad gives him in his list as ' Prontowski,' whilst 
Bonnefoux enters him as ' Pointkorski ' on the Belief ophon, and 
again as ' Protocosky ' on the cutter. Less ' proto ' than 
protean ! The Prefect's fixst list is quoted by various journals — 
the Times, Courier, D4bais, Morning Chronicle ; the QuoHdienne 
makes him ' Pronowski ' — and sundry writers like Fabry, Mayer 
de St. Paul, Tyder, and others. Home, Bowerbank, and Graebke 
have no occasion to mention him, the latter saying that the 
enumeration of the Colonels and Captains would be tedious. 



whilst the Emperor was proceeding to the Superb to 
luncheon with the Admiral, seven officers and eight 
servants were transferred to the Myrmidon. Amongst the 
former was Piontkowski, who, dming that one day spent 
on Maitland's vessel, had had sufficient opportunities 
to observe both the English and the French to make his 
accoimt read like that of an eye-witness : two or three 
items, however, he must have gleaned from one or another 
at Torbay. That anchorage, whose beauty evoked the 
great Prisoner's admiration, was reached on the 24th, 
the very day, by a coincidence, that the Duchesse 
d'Angoul6me was leaving Portsmouth in H.M.S. Forth, 
to return to her native land.^ Two days later the 
BeUerophon, Myrmidon, and Slaney sailed for Plymouth,' 
and there Piontkowski, amongst others, was transferred 
to, first, the Liffey, on the 28th and then to the Eurotas 
on July 31 or August i : the Logs differ, and Planat, 
who misdates the former removal, does not date the latter 
at all. 
Of the farewell scene on the Northumberland on 

* See Appeodiz C. 

' M. Albert Schuennans, in his IHn^aire Ghiiral de Napolion 
ler, makes the BeUerophon proceed first to Plymouth (22nd). 
then to Torbay (24th). and then back again to Plymouth (26th). 
His monumental work of patient research and collation is so 
invaluable to all writers upon Napoleon that it is to be hoped 
he will correct in his next edition what, for him, is an inexplicable 
error. Also a few trifling misdates, wrong names of persons and 
ships, etc. {Eurotas for Eurydice, Ceylon for Havannah), in the 
St. Helena period might be seen to. Buonavita and Gentilini, 
for instance, did not leave the island together. Whilst on the 
subject, might I suggest to the authorities of the British Museum 
that they should procure M. Schuermans' vade-mecum in book 
form. Reference to it in ' penny numbers,' tied with a dirty tape, 
is apt to be tiresome I The edition, to be sure, was limited to 
500 copies, of which the first 200 were not placed upon the 
market. Still, the trouble I had personally in procuring of 
late copy 117 was not of such an arduous nature as need deter 
the scouts of our great public Library. 


August 7, there are roughly a dozen contemporary 
accounts, half being from the pen of spectators. Most 
of these mention Piontkowski and his passionate, not to 
say hysterical, entreaties to accompany Napoleon, even 
as a servant. But they fall into two classes : those 
which refer to the Captain pure and simple, and those 
which confuse him and his superior officer and com- 
patriot, Lieutenant-Colonel Schultz, together, and form 
a composite ' Polish officer,' to whom they give the 
stature and the wounds of the latter, with the tears and 
supplications and the epistle of the former. This varia- 
tion has, I think, escaped notice hitherto. For instance. 
Hone writes : ' At the parting, all wept, but particularly 
Savary and a Polish officer (six feet two inches high), who 
had been exalted from the ranks by Napoleon. He clung 
to his master's knees ; wrote an interesting letter to Lord 
Keith, entreating permission to accompany him even in 
the most menial capacity, which could not be admitted.'^ 
Again, Boyce says : ' A Polish colonel was particularly 
hurt. He had accompanied Buonaparte through most 
of his campaigns ; he had received seventeen wounds in 
his service, and now, on his knees, with tears in his eyes, 
he entreated that he might be permitted to go with him, 
though it were in the most menial capacity.'* Mayer 
de St. Paul respects the two identities, but confuses the 
ranks : ' The persons who were not to accompany the 
Emperor were sent on board the Eurotas. They were 
very loath to part with their Master, especially the Polish 
officers. Buonaparte took leave of them individually. 
Colonel Pistowski, a Pole, offered to go to St. Helena as 
a servant.'* The Courier of August lo says practically 
the same thing, giving besides to Piontkowski, the 

* Interesting Particulars, 1816, p. 7. 

^ Second Usmp0H<m, ii. 397* ' ItinirMre, p. 61. 


* seventeen wounds ' rightly due to Schultz, and adding 
that a special order was issued not to let any Polish 
officer go with Napoleon. The Morning Chronicle of 
August II is a mere repetition, with the same misspelling. 
For exactly two calendar months the S3mipathies of the 
warm-hearted young ladies of Plymouth went out to 
the ' faithful Pistowski ' (possibly for its reminiscence 
of pistachio !), and it is not until October ii that he regains 
the semblance of his name in the Press. 

Of the accounts which steer clear of the above- 
mentioned confusion, Lsrttelton's is the most interesting. 
So graphic is it that I may be pardoned for quoting it 
in extenso : 

' But there were two Poles, one of a pretty advanced 
age, the other in the prime of his youth, whose air and 
demeanour were exceedingly striking. The elder, a 
venerable old man, of almost gigantic stature, was alto- 
gether one of the most singular and picturesque figures 
I ever beheld. What with his martial air, the sadness 
but composed gravity of his aspect, and the peculiar effect 
of his Polish dress, reminding one, as it naturally did, 
of the afEecting history of his much-injured country, it 
was impossible to look without emotion on this noble 
veteran, thus following his adopted sovereign in the last 
extremities of his fortune, and enduring, as it were, a 
second exile for his sake. The appearance of the younger 
man, who either felt more or was less able to control 
the expression of his feelings, was moving in the extreme. 
He had nothing remarkable in his figure or features ; 
but his grief and the agony he endured at being forced 
away from Buonaparte surpassed any suffering I ever 
witnessed, and were irresistibly a£Eecting. They both 
went up to Lord Keith, entreating to be allowed to go 
to St. Helena ; the elder, with an earnest but with a 


manly and settled look ; the young man, openly in tears, 
urging his request over and over again, long after the 
other had given up his as hopeless, and sajdng in the most 
piteous manner : " Si je renonce i mon grade.'* He 
wanted to be allowed to pass as a servant, the number 
of officers permitted to accompany Buonaparte being 
complete. When he found that all his entreaties were 
in vain, he seemed to be plimged into a state of distrac- 
tion, his eyes were almost overflowing with tears, he 
clenched his Polish cap convulsively in one hand and kept 
perpetually touching his brow with the other, talking 
to himself, and running from one port-hole to another 
with such a look of wild despair, that I thought he would 
have flung himself overboard. His name was Pentowsky, 
or something like it — not Poniatowsky. To my great 
delight I heard soon afterwards that our Government 
had given orders that this faithful and affectionate crea- 
ture should be allowed to go to St. Helena with Sir Hudson 
Lowe.' ^ 

Other eye-witnesses were much more matter-of-fact 
in their references to Piontkowski than Lsrttelton, who, 
amongst all his picturesque touches, misses what must 
have been the most salient feature of all : the contrast 
in stature, for the Captain was very short, with very 
mobile features. Maitland, Warden, Glover just state 
his entreaties — the first is almost cynical* and the last 

^ Ljrttelton's narrative appeared origiiially in 1836, was re- 
printed fully in Notes and Queries in 1872, in part in the New 
Review for September i, 1894, ^^^ the Revue Bleue iar Septem- 
ber 8. 1894, and lastly by Mr. Shorter in 1908. 

' ' Capt. Prontowski, a Pole, was allowed to proceed to St. 
Helena some time after the Northumberland sailed. Why this 
indulgence was granted to him I never clearly understood ; but it 
was said to be in consequence of the representations he made 
to the British Government of the very strong attachment he 
entertained to his fallen master — a feeling, as far as I could judge, 


dismisses him with ' Plaisir ' {i.e., Planat), on to the 
Eurotas, after the sad farewell.^ Here were the next 
ten days spent, in company with the six brother-oflScers 
of the Myrmidon and the unpleasurable Hanat, who was 
nursing his bitter disappointment at having been sup- 
planted at the last moment by Gourgaud. No wonder, 
then, that on the 17th, when they announced to Piont- 
kowski that the appeal he had made had been granted 
by the Government, and that he, and he only, was free 
to follow Napoleon to St. Helena, whilst the others were 
deported to Malta, the ex-Secretary and Lieutenant- 
Colonel referred to his more fortunate junior as a ' kind 
of madman.' If Piontkowski's antics of joy on that 
occasion were on a par with the demonstrations of grief 
described by Ljrttelton on the 7th, very possibly Planat's 
paragraph was not inspired merely by sea-green envy 
and mal de met. Pending his embarkation in some 
vessel bound for St. Helena, Piontkowski was transferred 
to the St. George, then at her moorings in the Hamoaze. 
As an item of interest the removal is noticed in the Press,* 
as is also his marriage with Mademoiselle M61anie Despout, 
which he refers to in the Letters, and which took place 

which prevailed with equal force in the breasts of all those who 
accompanied him from France ' (p. 228). 

^ The names of the officers who came from the Eurotos are 
given, ending as follows : ' Capt. Piontkowski and Lieutenant- 
Colonel Plaisir, the major part of whom appeared affected on 
quitting their quondam master, most particularly Piontkowski, 
who after using every entreaty in vain to be allowed to accompany 
Bonaparte, solicited most earnestly to be aUowed to become a 
servant. But this was also refused, and they all returned ' [to 
the Eufoias] (p. 120). 

' ' A Captain Pistowski, a Pole, whom Buonaparte raised from 
the ranks, and who was particularly desirous of going with him, 
has been put on board the St, George at Plymouth until an oppor- 
tunity offers to send him out to St. Helena, our Government 
having been pleased to attend to the prayer of his petition to this 
effect ' (Morning Chronicle, August 30). 


on board ship on October 4.^ She was a very pretty 
and accomplished Frenchwoman, who had lost her parents 
in the Revolution and had been trained as a professional 
singer. She had an extremely independent nature and 
a will of her own, and on several occasions in later years 
showed herself very much the ' grey mare * — as one 
might expect from her name. The honeymoon was cut 
down to four days, and on October 8 Piontkowski sailed 
in the storeship Cormorant^ ' per Navy Board Order, dated 
September 30,' as the Log shows. His heart's wish was 
accomplished, and the sorrow of parting with his so 
recent bride was lessened, one feels sure, by the prospect 
of linking his fate, at whatsoever distance, with that of 
the illustrious Captive of St. Helena, and the vision of 
sowing even in that barren soil the seeds of immortality ! 
And on that long and stormy passage, when the chief 
distractions, it appears, were ' making oakhum,' har- 
pooning porpoises and observing Aldebaran, the im- 
pressionable young Pole must for the first time have gazed 
upon the huge Atlantic billows with a child's wonder, 
little avrare, maybe, that their rhythmic rise and fall was 
prefiguring the incessant * up and down ' of his own 
troubled and tempestuous life. 

The Cormorant came to ' with the best bower ' in James' 
Bay on December 29, 1815, and on the morrow at noon 
Piontkowski presented himself at Longwood. He could 

^ ' Pistowsky, Bonaparte's favourite Polish officer, has sailed 
in the Connorani, to join his master at St. Helena ' {Ibid,, Octo- 
ber 9). 

' Capt. Ponitkowski, the officer so much attached to Bona- 
parte, has obtained permission to join him, and goes out in the 
Cormorani, He was married on Wednesday last [October 4] on 
board the SL George to a French lady who has been in that neigh- 
bourhood for some time past, but who is not allowed to accom- 
pany him ' {Ibid., October 11). 


not have chosen a more auspicious date than the 30th. 
Napoleon that day, anticipating a noble sjmipathizer of 
our times, had guided the plough and himself traced a 
solitary furrow.^ Here was a chance for the new-comer 
to turn his sword into a coulter, and to evoke the grandeur 
departed by speeding, if not the Chatj at least the charrue 
de I'Etat. Cockbum, too, had made things socially 
easier for the Exiles by apprizing Popjdeton that the 
Grand-Marshal's passes were now valid.* Lastly, the 
Emperor, after ten weeks' consideration, had decided to 
make his three Followers at Longwood an allowance of 
£320 a year, and the additional Pole arrived in the nick 
of time to be taken on at half-price. It is well this co- 
incidence has escaped his detractors, else they might 
have imputed to him a mercenary prescience of which 
he was as innocent as of the tortuous cunning he has 
been credited with. 

What Piontkowski's impressions were of St. Helena 
as a place of residence is outlined in his Declaration : 
what he thought of the General's ' Family,' as Lowe terms 
it, will appear from the Letters. The four ill-assorted 
members of the Suite had, like some wry-limbed quad- 
ruped, already got into their unlovely stride; and 
Napoleon, sundering that triple shibboleth of his Revolu- 
tionary days,* was even now preaching * Fraternity ' to 

^ MhHorial (1823), 11. 113-116. ^ L.P., 20,114, f. 309. 

^ As early as the autumn of 1789 the cards of admittance of the 
various districts of the ' Bonne ViUe de Paris ' bear in the corners 
the words ' Libert^/ ' £galit6/ and ' Fraternit6 ' respectively, 
with the addition of ' Patriotisme ' for the fourth. In the official 
documents and letters of the Revolution, more especially of the 
Convention period, the printed en-Ute, with or without engraved 
vignette, is usually ' Libert^, £galit6 et Fratemit6,' or ' £galit6. 
Liberty ou la Mort.' But many changes were rung, often at 
the whim of individuals, and ' Humanity,' ' Justice,' ' Indivisi- 
bility,' 'Unity,' 'Felicity,' 'Probity,' 'Peace,' etc., were in- 
troduced. It was as well, perhaps, platonically to parade these 


the least adelphian brotherhood that ever came together 
— ' Liberty,' alas I there was none ; ' Equality,' precious 
little, in the light of Gourgaud's everlasting quarrels as 
to precedence, which usually lead to a ' purge ' on the 
morrow! The jealous bouderies (which are the burden 
of the Metnorial, as ennui is the JaurnoTs and an Italian 
schimpfwort the Voice's) were becoming gossip beyond 
the Limits themselves, and must, I fancy, have first 
suggested to Piontkowski a certain bitter phrase he took 
twelve years to commit to paper.* Las Cases, for his 

sounding abstractions on paper, seeing how little obvious they 
were in sober fact. Hoche, like a practical man, has merely 
' Res, non Verba.' The catch-phrase lasted through the Direc- 
toire into the Consulate. When it reached Italy ' Fraternity ' 
was replaced by ' Virtue,' and we get the comprehensive ' Liberty 
G^n^ale ' as late as 1797. One rather aggressive Army docu- 
ment of the Year III. makes an exceptionally fine show : ' Liberty, 
£galit6. Fraternity, Humanit6— Justice k Toud, Paix aux Bons, 
Guerre aux M6chants, Mort aux Xyrans, Bonheur aux Peuples.' 
Bar * Children half-price,' there was really nothing left to vouch- 
safe ! The subscription of letters of the Years II. and III. is 
almost always ' Salut et Fraternity ' ; in more private effusions 
' Vale et Ama.' ' Respect ' returns with the Directoire and the 
renascence of hierarchies. The most caustic satire on the sans- 
culotte spell was perhaps that print of Stockdale's in July, I799> 
in which ' Liberty ' is represented as an octogenarian in tatters 
chained by the neck to a post, ' Equality ' by a couple of asses 
nuzzling each other, and ' Fraternity ' by a naked barbarian with 
a club beating out the brains of his fellow lying defenceless on 
the ground. Times have moved, and to-day the old man is in 
the Union and the savage is clothed, but the ' Equality ' asses 
are still braying in the land 1 

^ ' To describe the real situation of Napoleon [at St. Helena] 
I should have to enter into scandalous details concerning all the 
worries that were heaped upon him, which perhaps made it more 
difficult for him to manage his Household than to rule over his 
Empire in days gone by.' C/. ' They are besides all at variance 
together, and, I feel almost assured, give Bonaparte more dis- 
quiet than comfort' (Lowe to Bathurst, L.P., 20,115, f. 350; 
' Bonaparte told me this morning that he had recommended 
strongly to the French officers to go away, and that he would 
be more independent without them ' (O'Meara to Reade, L.P., 
20,116, f. 124). 


more cultivated mind and his greater familiarity with 
Napoleon and, perhaps, too, for the subtle casuistry he 
was endowed with by French and English alike,^ was 
heartily detested and distrusted by ces Messieurs, as 
he styles the two Generals at Longwood. Bertrand, 
owing to the superiority of his soul, the aloofness of his 
temperament, and the remoteness of his dwelling, saw 
little at that time of a trio that vexed him. Montholon 
by now had given the measure of his avaricious greed,* 
his plaguy officiousness, and his leasing. His wife, helped 
by her deft Josephine, was vieing sartorially with the other 
Countess at the Sunday dinner-parties and the Imperial 
readings from Athaliey and her rival (Milesian cut on 
Creole) did not take it lying down — ^the joint result in 
Napoleon's estimation being rather pathetic* Gourgaud, 
the super-bore, was indulging his umbrageous spleen to 
the full, and when not testing the wine^ or trjdng the 
* Nymph '® (or vice versa) was weighing in his pharma- 
cist's brain, with rather more ' drams ' than ' scruples,' 

^ ' He [Las Cases] is a man of considerable talents, high literary 
attainments, exceedingly specious, eloquent and insinuating, 
and is, or a£fects to be, a fanatic admirer, or rather adorer, of 
Napoleon ' (Lowe to Somerset, L.P., 20,117, f. 365.) 

' ' Montholon, that never-to-be-satisfied man, asked for Las 
Cases' rooms. ... I really believe, if he had the whole premises, 
he would ask for part of Plantation House 1' (Poppieton to 
Gorrequer, L.P., 20,208, f. 47). The incident of the hat snatched 
from Piontkowski, printed by Mr. Shorter, is even more edifying. 

* MSmorial, vi. 33. 

^ ' Four or five days back there was no wine of any kind. 
Poppieton borrowed one dozen from the 53rd Mess. . . . The 
wine sent up [from the E.I.C.S tores] gave them the coUc, and 
they suspected it was adulterated with lead. Gourgaud wanted 
to test it himself ' (O'Meara to Gorrequer, L.P., 20,116, f. 50). 
Soon after, the Stores claret was given up and the wine obtained 
from Messrs. Gladstone {Ibid,, f. 308). 

' Miss Robinson. It must have been trying for both, as, 
according to Poppieton, she spoke no French and Gourgaud no 
English (L.P., 20,117, f. 337). 


which of his three companions he would have to call out, 
and whose * claret ' eventually tap ! We know how he 
fastened upon Montholon and how Lowe grappled with 
the case. To Gourgaud, tha"efore, Piontkowski must 
have come as a timely diversion and brought a grateful 
respite from so ticklish a decision, and he ought to have 
cherished him for the altruistic rdle he unwittingly 
played. As a fact, he took an instant and jealous dislike 
to him. Whilst to Cockbum the new-comer was one more 
mouth to feed, to Gourgaud he was one more tongue to 
flatter. So he made the good-natured Pole his butt by 
word and pen, and treated him in a way which is shadowed 
in the LetterSy and which deprives certain entries in the 
Journal of their impartiality, and in two or three cases 
of their truth. 

Then seek the woman — ^and Piontkowski, though so 
recent a Benedick, sought her. He was not long in 
discovering Miss Robinson. More sprightly than Gour- 
gaud and less catholic in his tastes, more fluent in his 
English and, I suspect, less slobbering in his suit, the 
Captain very soon must have cut out the General (indeed, 
but for the disparity in rank there would have been a 
fourth cartel to select from). His visits to the little 
cottage became so frequent that Lowe mistrusts them, 
invests them with political importance, and notifies 
them to Bathurst.^ And there was certainly an ' Imperial 
element ' about them — ^the Pole acts on occasion as the 
Emperor's messenger — ^which, given Robinson's person- 
ality,^ will ever defy elucidation, like so many more and 
major things about the Captivity. 

* Forsyth, ii. 463. 

> A strange insular being this Robinson — ^like his namesake 
— about whom I gather little, and that contradictory. That 
Napoleon took a fancy to his daughter and honoured his cottage 
with his visits is certain. ' He visited him twelve or fourteen 


What with the dislike of his immediate superior, the 
indifference of Las Cases ^ and the superciliousness of 
Montholon, Piontkowski's position at Longwood cannot 
have been very enviable, for all the Bertrands' friendliness, 
and the Emperor's recurrent kind thought and word ; 
for, idle rumours to the contrary, Napoleon received him 
very graciously indeed. But he made the best of it. 
Less exacting at heart and less splendid in antecedents, 
he found a measure of content in the life of exile which 

times, twice in one day ' (O'Meara's interview with Lowe, L.P., 
20,119, a. 93-102). The humble ' yamstock ' was more than flat- 
tered, and had the Emperor cared to avail himself of the Nymph's 
confidences about her early morning rambles in Long Wood, 
the father doubtless would have connived at it and turned it to 
account, as he did the Imperial ' tips ' to his son (L.P., 20,115, 
f. 192). Yet we find him saying to a subaltern who has invited 
him to Mason's Stockhouse, that ' he had never shown any 
particular respect to General Bonaparte, nor would he even take 
ofE his hat to him, and if he thought his coming to his house 
was to pay his addresses to his daughter he would forbid his 
coming' (L.P., 20,204, f. 37). This in spite of the service 
Napoleon had done him by ' saving a cow ' of his I The subaltern 
is so pleased that he plies the farmer with wine, when the latter 
suddenly unbosoms himself, toasts the Emperor, and imparts to 
his astonished host (whom he vainly endeavours to win over) 
an elaborate plan for the Captive's evasion, and asseverates 
that he is the man to set him free, and will make his fortune by 
so doing. A quaint sacerdotal smack is added by a reference 
to a ' golden candlestick ' which is to form part of the reward 
{Ibid., f. 35). In vino Veritas, once more ? Or was tlie other 
the truth ? Or what ? 

^ Las Cases mentions Piontkowski but once, apart from the 
mere record of his arrival and departure. At ii. 299 (£d. 1823) 
he gives us a strange story of the Captain and a caricature, which 
for some reason undergoes an entire transformation in the next 
edition. Montholon has little more to say, his chief entries 
dealing with the circumstances of Piontkowski's deportation 
(Ed. 1847, i. 374-5. 390, 406. 408, 4^0, 422-3, 464-5). O'Meara 
is even less productive (Ed. 1822, i. 58, 62, 89, 116-120, 154, 
165, 168). Add half a dozen entries all told for the three Com- 
missioners, and the balance is Gourgaud. The latter makes re- 
peated references to the Captain, most of which I shall deal with 
later, much of what he says being opien to criticism or refutation. 


so wretchedly irked the Frenchman, and, in the main, 
the ten months he spent on the Rock must, with their 
simple duties and simpler distractions, have been amongst 
the happiest in his chequered existence. 

What do we gather of his daily routine ? 

Indolent by nature (his fist shows that), he dawdles 
over his coffee and roll till, haply, Santini (who rises 
early and is a dead shot) lifts the flap of his tent or, 
later, taps at his casement and, with a Corsican smile, 
holds up the birds he has bagged. Put upon his mettle, 
Piontkowski slings his fowling-piece, silently vows to 
Fortune and Fluke alike, and strolls away to the east- 
ward for what dubious sport the little wood will vouch- 
safe. One day it is a grey partridge, the next a blue dove 
or two ; here he perforce respects ' the Governor's 
pheasants '; there he mischievously peppers a peacock. 
On one occasion at least the only victim is himself, and 
he returns with a wound in the eye, which evokes Napo- 
leon's sympathy and calls for Warden's surgery, for the 
deponent is * Sangrado.' Then to his duties. Napoleon, 
the more rightly for his being denied his rank, and for 
dynastic reasons, clings jealously to state and makes 
appointments that smack of St. Cloud.^ Gourgaud, 
the A.D.C., is Master of the Horse, and Piontkowski takes 
up the functions of Equerry under him. As you know, 
there is no love lost between them and they have few 
tastes in common : the Nymph is one ; another recalls 
Dr. Johnson and Kit Smart — neither has a passion for 
clean linen.^ The Chief's position is much of a sinecure, 

^ ' His Household is to-day a Court, of which Bertrand is the 
Grand-Marshal, Las Cases Secretary of State, Montholon Lord 
Chamberlain, Gourgaud Aide-de-Camp g6n£ral, Piontoffski 
Equerry, and Mme. Bertrand and Mme. de Montholon Ladies of 
Honour ' {Balmain's Reports), 

* ' Washing Bills for Longwood, £s^ 8s. 6d. for a fortnight. 
Gen. Gourgaud's and Capt. Piontlcowski's bills have not been 


and he is content, after his round and a few general 
orders, to pursue his hobbies and toast his soles before 
his extravagant saloon*fire, and leave the details to his 
subordinate. So that Piontkowski is drest in quite a 
little authority. He overlooks the French grooms and 
the English ostlers, lords it among the native stable-boys 
and displays sufficient tact to keep the heterogeneous 
personnel working together in fair harmony. And it is 
not ' all lavender.' They are a quarrelsome and a 
drunken lot,^ and have their national jealousies. One 
English stableman, hight ' Talbot/ takes the liberty of 
hanging a terrier belonging to Gourgaud. Canine 
amenities indeed !' Doubtless the General had given the 

sent up for some time' (L.P., 20,116, f. 72). The inference is 

^ The intemperance and misbehaviour of the Englishmen, 
mostly soldiers, employed about the place added no little to the 
misery of life at Longwood. Poppleton complains on that score 
to Gourgaud, as if the Master of the Horse was to blame (L.P., 
20,118, f. 383). Nichoils, with more sense, addresses himself 
to Reade : ' I shall be pleased if you will order Parkinson to his 
duty ... He is too much of a bruiser for peace and quietness ' 
(L.P., 20,125, f. 231). The acme was readied at the time 
the Last lUness was commencing, when one might really have 
expected a little more regard for the feelings and bodily safety 
of the Captive : ' In consequence of the continual drunkenness 
of Barnes, Handcock, and Dove (the stablemen), Ct. Bertrand 
has requested me to apply to get them exchanged. When Gen. 
Bonaparte went out in the phaeton yesterday evening, Barnes 
and Handcock were stripped and fighting in the stable-yard. 
Dove (who is one of the postillions) is of late so frequently drunk 
when driving the leaders that it is perfectly unsafe for Gen. 
Bonaparte to quit the Wood in his carriage ' (Lutyens to Gorre- 
quer, December 16, 1820, L.P., 20,131, f. 322). Reade suggests 
a reason : ' I attribute most of 1±ie drunkenness in the stables 
at Longwood owing {sic) to the facility with which they procure 
wine, principaily through the means of Archambault's girl 
[Mary Ann Foss] and the Chinese ' (L.P., 20,207, f. 305). Which 
seems far-fetched. We know from Gorrequer, Balcombe, Pierron, 
etc., exactly how much wine was provided for Longwood and how 
much was drunk, and the surplus was very small. 

* L.P., 20,zi8, t, 97, 


dog a Freoch name. The Equerry sees to the supplies, 
and Balcombe's and Breame's orders and invoices pass 
through his hands ; every now and then he writes them 
' off his own bat ' little epistles like the following, dated 
June 26, 1816 : 

' Sir, — I gave you a note on April 28 for the stable 
utensils. H. E. the Lt.-General [Lowe] approved my 
request, which comprised besides three English saddles 
and bridles, that, according to H. E.'s orders, were to 
be supplied as soon as the store-ships arrived. I therefore 
pray you to send me these articles which I badly need, 
as well as the two lanterns and lamps for the stables 
marked in the said note. 

' Be good enough to send me a few quires of paper. 

' (Signed) Piontkowski.' ^ 

Which is strictly to the point, deferential to the 
Governor, and quite ignores the Master of the Horse. 
Coming from a mews, the last request sets you wondering. 
The paper can't be for the horses — there was racing at 
Deadwood,* but no hoop-la tricks are recorded. It is 
hardly to patch up broken windows, for things never 

* L.P.. 20.115, f. 235. 

' Spring and Autumn Meetings, in April and September. 
They were one of Lowe's bugbears, for they gave the Conmiia- 
moneni an opportunity of consorting with the FoUowers which 
he could hardly put his veto upon (L.P., 20,118, f. 302). The 
Emperor occasionally observed the racing through a spy-glass 
from his garden {Ibid,, f. 294), and in return afforded a telescopic 
view of himself to Montchenu and the others. The starters were 
mostly Cape horses and there was ample variety in the events. 
Nicholls mentions one Homeric contest between ' Regent ' and 
' Dolly ' (L.P., 20,2x0, f. 2). The eponyms are apt I An inter- 
esting view of the Deadwood Races was lithographed by Victor 
Adam in the 'forties, from a sketch by Sainson. I have found no 
trace of a ' bookie ' at St. Helena, but doubtless the Solomons 
' did a bit on the sly ' 1 


quite came to such shifts even at Longwood.^ No ; 
it must be a personal order ; and Piontkowski, too, has 
fallen a victun to that passion for writing which, together 
with phUoprogenitiveness, universally rages at St. Helena. 
(The men, we know, were everlastingly adding to the 
mails and the women to both sexes !) And what does 
he write ? There's no evidence that he keeps a Diary : 
no more than the rest could he have withstood the 
temptation of cooking it for publication. He is too 
humble a French scholar to crystallize the Imperial 
utterance, too imcertain of his English to translate it. 
He presumes not to join in the Plantation-Longwood 
logomachy. He can hardly require reams for Miss 
Robinson, seeing the frequency of his visits. Thus we 
are reduced to marital effusions — whether as a task or 
a pleasure is not for me to say. We know that he heard 
from his wife,* and Mrs. Skelton, after seeing her in 
London, deposes that she wrote him frequent letters, 
some of which may have miscarried.* Doubtless his 
replies were punctual and dutiful, though, sad to relate, 
by this same token she appears never to have come by 
them : seeing the postal service^ and the censorship, 

^ Though there was occasionally much delay in replacing the 
panes : there are complaints from the Orderly Officer to that effect. 

^ Appendix B. 

* See p. 151. 

^ Happy-go-lucky indeed ! Captain Mackay, of the Minden, 
is given at Longwood four open letters for Cockbum, then in the 
Bay. He reads them, pockets them, forgets them till his arrival 
in England, and then sends them to Bunbury (L.P., 20,115, f- I8)• 
Or : ' . . . the letter dropped on the road by the orderly to whom 
it was given ' (Ibid,, f. 150). Again : ' . . . the note that was 
given me by Gen. Montholon, which, in pulling out some memor- 
andum, I dropped and lost ' (Poppleton to Gorrequer, L.P., 20,1 17, 
f . 96) ; ' None of my clerks have, I find upon inquiry, any recol- 
lection of having received a packet of letters from the Foreign 
Office addressed to Bonaparte ' (Bathurst to Lucan, L.P., 20,118, 
f. 295) ; ' Lady de Lancey takes the liberty of writing [in May. 


small wonder ! So we have it, I think : the home epistle ; 
and Gourgaud's mother^ is ably seconded by Piont- 
kowski's wife. Failing a reunion in London or Paris, 
a stroll along the Boulevard or a saunter down Piccadilly, 
the old dame and the young, with thoughts flying to the 
Rock, must have had frequent communion in that capa- 
cious cul-de^sac, the bottom of His Majesty's mail-bag. 

Luncheon Piontkowski takes with the three Followers 
— ^now and then with the Emperor. The Letters show us 
how uncongenial that partie carrSe must have been to him, 
and why ; and sure enough, when Raffles visits Longwood, 
he thinks the silence and attitude of the Pole at table 
worthy of comment.^ So he cuts it short, and escapes 

181 7] to Mr. Goulbum in consequence of repeated complaints 
from Lady Lowe at St. Helena that she has not received one 
letter from her daughter or from Lady de L. (with whom she 
resides) since July last. Not less than 10 or 12 letters have 
been sent and not one received ' (CO., 247. 11) ; ' The irregular 
manner in which our letters arrive here is felt as a particular 
inconvenience. The Postmaster has now an account of no less 
than 17 private ships by which letters were forwarded from the 
General Post Office in England to the Cape of Good Hope for 
this Island during the last year, of which not one has yet reached 
4s ' (Lowe to Bathurst, L.P., 20,121, f. 236). And yet, on top 
of that, Bathurst rebukes Lowe for ' incurring needless expense ' 
in having his despatches delivered in London by Masters of ships 
in person instead of entrusting them to the Post Office 1 (L.P., 
20.132, f. 40). 

^ Gourgaud's classic mother undulates pleasantly through 
the Papers. Every two months or so one comes across the Baron's 
little note by which he politely thanks the Governor for the 
maternal letter transmitted, or begs him to seize the ' first 
occasion to Europe ' for his own dutiful response. One gets to 
time these apparitions, and after a hundred or two pages of Las 
Cases or Lowe, those terse half-dozen lines (where the writer 
might have said so much) are as grateful as manna in the desert. 
That Gourgaud in his letters — often appended in copy — was 
by policy mendacious and humoured the old lady's solicitude 
with outrageously rosy accounts of Longwood is not the least 
refreshing feature. 

^ Letter to Hare, published in the Daily Mail, June 18, 1904. 



to Hutt's Gate for the freer atmosphere of the Bertrands' 
society, which he repays by giving young Napol6on a 
riding-lesson. A game of skittles may follow, or even 
of billiards, if no Count or General is about the table. 
Then for the one outing of the Exiles, supposing he has 
retained the subaltern for that day, Piontkowski is 
sent to Jamestown on all sorts of commissions, more or 
less weighty, combined with the everlasting quest of the 
printed, or even the spoken, word for that poor, news- 
starved colony on the heights. He must have had an 
eye for furniture and bric-i-brac, possibly even a pen- 
chant for old prints, for we find him attending various 
sales, notably the Skeltons', invested with plenary powers 
to supplement by a successful bid the very scratch lot 
of stuff in the Longwood apartments. But it never 
passes the platonic. For the Governor despatches Reade, 
or Brooke, or Janisch,^ or another to ' forbid the sale 

^ One of the most interestiiig of the minor characters of the 
Captivity. WiUiam Janisch — ^the umlaut was dropped at St. 
Helena— was sprung from the family of that Hamburg Senator 
Janisch (or Janisch), who granted his cover for Gourgaud's letters 
in 1 819 (see p. 140) and who had sat in the Corps L6gislatif from 
z 81 2 till 1814. He went out in the Northumberland, as Clerk of 
the Commissariat under Ibbetson, at 7s. 6d., and then 15s., a day, 
with ;£6o a year for ' house, coal, and candles/ dispensed by 
Britannicus Wright, Island Paymaster. Seeing that Ibbetson 
himself had so little to do that on January 27, 181 7, we find the 
Authorities suggesting hfe is ' of no use ' and had better come 
home again (CO., 247. 11), the duties that devolved upon his 
clerk must have been of the lightest description — inter alia he 
gave out the wines for Longwood (L.P., 20,121, f. i) and bought 
the Government grain on incoming vessels. As he was further 
assisted by young Erskine Head, Janisch not unnaturally sought 
additional employment and emolument, and presently went 
into Lowe's personal service as a kind of confidential factotum. 
He was a good linguist, wrote well (though not polemically 
enough to meet the Governor's requirements in one direction 
at least — L.P., 20,130, f. 103), was very shrewd and ambitious, 
and seems to have been a man of engaging presence and dis- 
position. Lowe took a fancy to him, invited him to Plantation 


to the Foreigners.' Why ? one faUs to see — an infringe- 
ment, I suppose, of 2 Lowe (1816) Cap. 13, § 9, §§ 4g. 
Doubtless they had forgotten the ' g' \ So that in the 

fimctions, and did his best to promote his interests both at St. 
Helena and after. Janisch, who ex officio had passed the bread 
standard and knew which side lay the butter, requited that 
solicitude with a filial devotion of the cupboard variety. There 
are some dozen letters of his to the Governor. One, in 1821, 
rather fine in style and feeling, deplores the departure of Lowe, 
in whom the writer ' will lose not only a Patron and Benefactor, 
but a Father ' (L.P., 20,133, f. 282). 

Of his own flesh and blood in the Vaterland Janisch was un- 
mindful, and a letter in the Records asks anxiously after him : 
' he has not written for 2 or 3 years, and he may have succumbed 
to the climate.' So far from dying of dysentery, he had a good 
time at Jamestown, and got about quite a little in civU and 
military circles. Occasionally he goes up to Longwood in a semi- 
official way, and ' dines and sleeps ' with Blakeney or NichoUs 
or Dr. VerUng (L.P., 20,212, f. 51). Napoleon's death aflected 
him, or at least his pocket. He had made enough to buy a little 
landed property and suffered from the depression-— or rather, 
if truth be told, the lack of opportunities for peculation — ^that set 
in after Napoleon's death, and ten years later was still acute 
(' General distress amongst landed proprietors dating from the 
sudden change of affairs consequent on the demise of Napoleon ' — 
St. Helena Records, 1832). After Lowe's departure Janisch kept 
him posted up very deferentially in the gossip of the Island, and 
opened his heart to him on the subject of his own prospects. One 
item is piquant : the Accountant De Fountain's defalcations to 
the tune of ;£i5,ooo, in collusion with Britannicus aforementioned, 
now less Wright than wrong 1 There was an infection in the air 
of these small islands which, as Theodore Hook put it — and he 
knew 1 — ^left you ' something wrong with the chest,* [Incidentally, 
everybody at St. Helena was ' on the make,' to use an expressive 
vulgarism. On the extortions of the Balcombes, Carrolls, 
Barkers, Solomons, and the rest, it is not necessary to dwell. 
Montholon and Gourgaud alwa3rs had those codicils in view — 
not so Bertrand, I think. Montdienu's everlasting theme is 
money. O'Meara sought a rich marriage and failed— on the 
Island — and as early as August, 1816, is speculating upon what 
' he can save up in a few years in case of the demise of the 
General' (L.P., 20,115, f. 385). Lowe was the exception: he 
entertained too freely. But his D.A.G. made up for it. Reade 
had a talent for stepping into snug little berths — ^like that of 
' Vendue Master ' (whatever it may be) at ;£30o a year in October, 


case I've instanced, though the Lieutenant-Governor and 
his wife have taken away the kindliest memories of 
Napoleon and his circle, and sundry messages and 
mementoes to boot, like scraps of his handwriting,^ the 

1818 (L.P., 20,124, f. 90) — ^when their occupants were invalided 
home ; and he was never averse from huckstering in horseflesh 
and the like. Minor officers followed suit ; civilians likewise, 
such as Janisch himself. All sorts of infra dig, deals are on record. 
Small fanners of the Robinson type gladly ' placed ' their 
daughters at Jamestown or Longwood — often for sacrifice. As 
for mere servants, it was the be-all and end-all of life to them. 
There are letters from all the Emperor's retainers, from the 
faithful Marchand down to stop-gap cooks, in which they send 
hc»ne money, assess the value of Napoleon's gifts to them, dwell 
on their gratuities, and tell of the ' good they are doing for them- 
selves ' (L.P., 20,158 ; L.P., 20,204 passim). Pierron and 
Gentilini were especially distinguished. The Chinese would do 
anything for cash and were chronic borrowers. At the general 
wind-up in May, 1821, ten of them owed Bertrand's steward 
over 800 dollars ! (L.P., 20,133, f. 197). As for the ' Tommies ' 
of the 66th and the St. Helena Regiment about the place, they 
were thieves to a man.] In June, 1823, Janisch married Major 
Seale's daughter, thus identifying himself with the ' Yamstocks.' 
His son, whom he christened Hudson in memory of Lowe, rose 
to be in his turn Governor of St. Helena and a C.M.G. Janisch 
published an interesting Exhumation of the Remains of Napoleon 
Bonaparte (1840), at which he was present, and to his son we are 
indebted for the Extracts from the St. Helena Records. 

^ The Lieutenant-Governor and his wife had been on excellent 
terms vnth the Exiles, and at her farewell visit Mrs. Skelton 
volunteered to execute Longwood commissions in London, convey 
messages and call on friends (L.P., 20,115, ^- ^3^) '» s^<^ ui her 
last note ' Col. Skelton joins in every kind wish towards the 
little circle from whom they have received such flattering and 
obhging attentions.' Lowe got wind of this and promptly 
remonstrated with the Colonel himself bef or# he could sail on the 
impropriety of his charging himself with anything whatever from 
his Prisoners {Ibid., f. 136). Months after, O'Meara, fresh from 
a talk with Napoleon, imparted (in his second r61e) to Lowe that 
' his suspicions had fallen on Col. Skelton and his wife,' which 
Lowe was only too ready to confirm in his letter to Bathurst of 
October 12, 1816 (L.P., 20,1x6, fl. 146-150). In March, 1817, 
Lowe again returned to the charge in his letter to Goulburn 
(L.P., 20,118, f. 225). But, then, the vindictive persistence of 
his pursuit of any man he had got his knife into was one of Lowe's 


Exiles on their side are disallowed even the Skeltonian 
dust-bin which has gone to the hanuner from the very 
house they are now tenanting. 

On these rides to the town Piontkowski is now and 
then accompanied by Montholon or Gourgaud ; but his 
habitual comrade is young Las Cases. They are attended 
by Lieutenant FitzGerald. They needs must go slowly, 
for apart from the rocks and the ruts, the pickets and the 
* Punchbowl,' Emmanuel suffers from the heart. At 
least, his father sajrs so, and the complaisant O'Meara 
aggravates the affection by tricking it out in dog-Latin.^ 
What really is the matter with the youth is Gorrequer's 
trouble — over-writing^ — ^and no sooner is he at the Cape, 
and stops his quill, than he pulls round magically, and 
the * cure ' is ascribed to that Chevalier d'Eon among 
Doctors, the noted Miss ' James ' Barry.* Howbeit, for 
all his cardiac weakness, perhaps because of it, young Las 
Cases is not averse from an affaire de cceur, and when 
in town generally picks up with a petticoat or two — ^whence 

most marked characteristics ; Skelton, Lascelles. Balcombe, 
Keating. Malcolm, and others to witness— especially Malcolm 1 

^ L.P., 20,117, f. 321. 

' On October 14, 1817, Gorrequer addressed Lowe officially 
complaining of the amount of writing he had to do, which had 
induced ' severe pains in the left breast and headaches.' He 
claims a respite, and adds : ' For 18 months I have been con- 
stantly writing. Its effects on my health are now seriously 
marked ' (L.P., 20,233, f. 44). W3myard was nominally th6 
Military Secretary and Gorrequer was only the 'Acting.' It 
must be confessed that he was a born actor and ^passed pro- 
tagonist at once. One really wonders what Wynyard did to earn 
his pay except set down an occasional interview and take the 
hygrometric readings of the Longwood wall-papers. On the 
whole he remains in the background as far as the Detention goes ; 
possibly he was concerned chiefly with the soldiery as such. It 
is a tribute to Gorrequer that, in spite of the post he filled, the 
Exiles liked him. Of the everlasting trio. Governor, D.A.G., and 
A.D.C., he was the one gentleman. 

^ MeyneU's Conversations (1911), p. 50. 


trouble on one occasion ^ — and whfle FitzGerald boyishly 
interprets and {quis custodiet?) adds sweet nothings of 
his own, Piontkowski moves off to Lewis Solomon's 
emporimn and, under the pretext of having his watch 
repaired, slips into the Jew's hand a letter or two of 
Montholon's for secret transmission to Europe — ^and 
much besides.* So in mind content, each for his own 

* L.P., 20,116, f. 37. 

' The three wise men from the East — Samuel, Joseph, and 
Lewis — ^whom the Followers and others repaired to, if not for 
myrrh, at least for the spice of local scandals, were about the only 
Jews in the place, and as such incurred — and it turned out 
deservedly — the suspicion of Lowe. Though they could not 
help their ancient patronymic, it was, in the Governor's opinion, 
' a Name which almost implies some predisposition to engage 
in illicit speculations ' (L.P., 20,126, f. 411). The three kept the 
local emporium, where everything from diamonds down to cloves 
and tintacks could be procured. Samuel (or Saul) in addition 
catered for board and lodging (Basil Jackson deposes, at 35s. per 
diem) and, as a third string, owned a. printing-press, and brought 
out the St, Helena Register and the St. Helena Press, of which 
he was part-proprietor. Lewis, who had settled in 1814, special- 
ized rather in jewellery and watch-making (as was apt for the 
nephew by marriage of the notorious Goldsmith), and was en- 
trusted with the regulation of Napoleon's two watches, ' one gold 
and one silver, with chimes,' which the long sea- voyage had 
affected {Morning Chronicle, December 11, 181 5). Meanwhile 
the Emperor purchased from him a gold repeater for ;£40 (which 
he presented to Marchand in 1820 — L.P., 20,158, f. 14) ; so that 
the Solomons had reason from the first to be well disposed towards 
the new arrivals. As time proceeded they saw money in the 
clandestine and the seditious, and their shop became the resort 
of local malcontents and, if not quite a Cave of AduUam, at least 
a Club des Jacobins. Everyone who had a grievance against 
Lowe or Reade, or a piquant anecdote about Brooke or Bingham, 
naturally gravitated thither and publicly delivered himself of 
the matter to an appreciative circle. Even young subalterns 
and midshipmen were amongst the number, doubtless out of 
bravado. Sometimes mine host himself would set the ball 
rolling, and we have an ofi&cial complaint from Captain Theed 
of the Leveret that old Solomon has slandered him (L.P., 20,120, 
f. 212). The trio, who congenitally made capital of ever3rthing, 
turned the Service jealousy to account, and if they disparaged 
the Governor overtly, did so because they felt sure of the Admiral's 


reason — a duty done, a trick played, a tryst appointed — 
the trio make their way back to Longwood. Once, on 
September 8, there's quite an unpleasantness in the 
to¥m, and Piontkowski, according to various diarists, 
'then and there threatens to horsewhip Reade/ Big 
words, indeed, if they were true. As a fact, the DA.G, 
had despatched a trooper to lead Piontkowski's horse 
up the street while he was pajring a call, and the Captain, 
on coming out, had deemed it a liberty and threatened 
to horsewhip the man if it occurred again ; which is not 
quite the same thing.^ On one occasion, too, Piont- 

support. Even Plampin favoured them to the detriment of 
the Govermnent stores, and gave them first refusal of incoming 
grain, fodder, etc., and not to Ibbetson or Greentree (L.P., 20,207, 
f. 146). Lake Balcombe, they appear to have entertained naval 
men and ship's officers, no doubt of a lower rating, and there is 
an indignant protest of Solomon senior to Lowe, who had taken 
exception to a party given to certain E.I.C. officers, in which 
the writer expresses his surprise that ' an association with my 
family should be considered either a degradation or a crime ' 
(L.P., 20,233, ^' I52)« There are several passages in the Papers 
illustrating the part played by the Solomons in the secret trans- 
mission of European letters to and from the Exiles. The most 
interesting perhaps is to this effect : When, after the Emperor's 
death, the English officials were poking about in the Longwood 
apartments to see what they might discover, they came upon 
a lot of half-consumed papers in Montholon's grate. These were 
rescued and pieced together and the blanks made good. They 
turned out to be clandestine memoranda from Lewis Solomon 
to Montholon, dated Jmly, 1819, in which the former apprized 
the Count, amongst other facts, that his letters had been duly 
forwarded by the Favotmte, th^t O'Meara had arrived in England, 
that Stokoe had had to give up Bertrand's letter to him and the 
King of Rome's portrait, that he (Solomon) had seen some papers 
of Montholon's destroyed by ' a gentleman ' (? Reade) in bis 
presence, and, amongst other fictions, that war would soon 
conmience between England and America, and that Lowe was 
soon to be relieved by Lord Hill and Plampin by Lord Torrington 
(L.P., 20,128, f. 3). By such visions as those was the Captive 
deluded — and, let us hope, comforted I 

^ Reade disliked Piontkowski and does not disguise the fact. 
That he did so, whilst he afiected O'Meara (who writes to his 



kowski calls upon Balmain (the ' stranger ' of Stiirmer's 
report of July 4, 1817), and tries to inveigle him into a 
political pronouncement upon the treatment Napoleon 
is subjected to. But the Russian bids the Pole * good- 
day/ and ever after there is a palpable ' partition ' between 
them. Twice or thrice, too, he joins Cockbum's group 
on the Marino, and the Admiral treats him noticeably 
well, we are told. The sailor must have had some sort 
of blufi liking for him. But those are exceptions that 
seldom delay the return. If the sun is not too rapidly 
setting, the Equerry takes a further stroll towards 
Fisher's Valley or the Alarm House, and drops in at 
Mason's or Legg's, Robinson's or Wells's, Torbett's or 
Dr. Kay's for a cup of tea — even Napoleon was soon 
anglicized into that particular solace — and for the 
twentieth time (and every time with a little more em- 
broidery) relates the stirring march he took part in a 
year or so before. But the gun punctuates his last period, 
and in the brief twilight he hurries back, and passes the 
Gate as they are posting the sentries. One more round 
of the stables — a look at the coach-house — a glance at 
the kennels, and the Equerry thinks he has earned his 

Then dinner — the event of the day, especially at 
St. Helena. It may be a mere snack, previous to the 
Rivals at the Playhouse or to a ball at the Balcombes' ;^ 
but habitually it is a matter of courses. On great occa- 
sions the Pole is honoured by the Emperor ; sometimes 
he dines en viUe with the Skeltons, or elsewhere ; less 

' dear Sir Thomas ' his coarsest anecdotes), redounds decidedly 
to the credit of the Pole. A man is known by the company he 
does not keep. 

^ ' I dined with the Admiral yesterday, and there was a dance 
afterwards at Balcombe's. Piontkowski was there accompanied 
by an officer of the 53rd ' (Reade to Lowe, L.P., 20,207, f . 11). 


From an aquatint by Roemhild, published by 
Dubreuil, in the possession of the author. 

[This plate, which in more ways than one is anachronistic and 
at fault, ts the only Napoleonic print^ of some ten thousand known 
to the writer, in which Piontkowski is introduced. He is the last 
figure, in the Lancer head-dress. ^ No likeness is intended, the 
portrait being that of Marshal Poniatowsky taken for the occasion 
from an ' Apotheosis ' in the same series of aquatints.] 

« ■ 

. • ♦ • 

. . • ... . 


seldom he messes with the 53rd ; oftener still he is greeted 

by the Bertrands ; his ordinary, however, is with the 

Orderly Ofl&cer and the Surgeon. They are an ill-assorted 

trio, albeit contemporary, thirty or so. With young men 

of that age, three's usually better company than two, 

one serving as butt, foil, referee, placator, ' flapper,' 

or conversational scout to the twain. Not so here. 

Poppleton, though at bottom a good fellow, as the Exiles 

agree, is an insular Englishman, untouched by his Indian 

experiences. He dislikes and almost despises Piont- 

kowski and the ' Foreigners at Longwood/ as he terms 

them. They are intruders upon his parcel of Empire, 

whom he must tolerate and, more, must observe and 

report upon. His morgue is self-complacent. He writes 

' Myself and Dr. O'Meara ' — ^Wolsey's egotism, save that 

the prelate had the brams and here they are the Surgeon's. 

He is an overgrown schoolboy, and his notion of evidence 

is simple. ' I hear his bell ' with him certifies the 

Emperor's presence. There were twenty potential ringers 

in the House. ' Langford and me are friends,' is his 

grammar ; ' pruins ' for ' prunes ' his spelling, and 

' president ' for * precedent,' and his style apes the Lowe 

official. He can be original when he likes, and his is the 

brilliant idea of signalling by gunfire when the weather is 

foggy. No one had grasped the futility of the flag or 

the telegraph. Ay, Poppleton is sprightly on occasion 

and runs to a witticism. During his twenty months at 

Longwood he perpetrates one pathetic little pun.^ His 

favourite recreation is sea-fishing, and as you can't do 

^ Montholon had discharged a servant for too plain speaking. 
Poppleton apprizes Gorrequer of the fact and adds : ' His name 
is Frank — very apropriate ' (L.P., 20,118, f. 331). The italics 
and spelling are his. Even so does Montchenu in his five years 
coin one apothegm : ' Le s^jom* de Ste. H61dne apprend 4 savoir 
borner ses d6sirs. C'est la meilleure 6cole de philosophie que je 
connoisse ' (L.P., 20,123, f. 137). Heartfelt if not exactly new 1 


much in an hour or so, he takes a day, or rather a night, 
off, and Lowe doesn't like it at all. The ease with which 
the Orderly pops down to Prosperous Bay fills the 
Governor with misgivings. Suppose He should. . . ? The 
Captain of the 53rd is on the best of terms with the 
66th, from Colonel Dodgin downwards, and sees rather 
more of them than of his own brother-officers. Doubtless, 
as Privy Gaoler to the Household, he, with his Bona- 
partiana, is made much of at that gay young dog Lieu- 
tenant Birmingham's grog-parties, which are the scandal 
of the Island. (The Lieutenant has been granted the 
privilege of living ' up country,' and repays it by intoxica- 
ting his fellow-subalterns nightly, and trotting strangers 
out to Longwood without authority by day.)^ Once 
again the Governor must shudder in his bed. What if 
the * 0.0.,' too, should get drunk in the town (as he 
does in the privacy of his rooms),' and forget all about 
pickets and passes ? So there's just a suspicion of a 
breeze, and Lowe refuses Poppleton's application to stay 
on when his regiment is relieved, and every other officer 
in it is only too anxious to go.^ But all shall be forgotten 
presently when he departs for good, and his Chief; writing 
to Torrens,* wiD testify to his ' prudence, firmness, and 
moderation,' and Napoleon himself, speaking to him for 
the second time in his life, will call him a ' man of honour,' 
and give him, clandestinely, a snuff-box as a token.'^ 

^ L.P., 20,115. f. 355. It is pleasant to know that Birmingham 
was eventually court-martialled for his sins. Lowe, however, 
' stayed the execution of the sentence ' — the last thing one 
would have expected of him (L.P., 20,135, f. y). He was only 
too given to ' executing sentences,' and many defy analysis or 
even parsing 1 

^ Journal, i. 250. ^ L.P., 20,116, f. 96. 

* L.P., 20,119, f. 139. 

8 After debating the matter at length with his suite. That 
night the book down for reading was VAmi d» la Maison (Journal, 
ii. 189). 


In the main he fills his post as well as any of his successors, 
bar Lutyens. Poppleton, methinks, has missed his 
vocation. Weakly, often in O'Meara's hands, a poor shot 
and a poorer rider, he is not cut out for a soldier. His 
forte is the domestic side of life, and his mastery of the 
great servant question is colossal. Every second letter 
or report of his deals with the Longwood retainers — ^their 
engagement, dismissal, wages, movements, health, visitors, 
sajdngs, doings, opinions, epistles, complaints, marriages, 
collages, and fallings-out. In a more logical world 
Poppleton would have ' found himself ' as the Manager 
of a Servants' Agency. Meantime, he has the ' General 
out of employ ' to look after, and he feels the re- 
sponsibility. And what with that and the thought of 
his absent wife — ^here his eye cannot but seek Piont- 
kowski's in S3mipathy — Poppleton remains at dinner the 
least talkative of the three. 

The Pole's other commensal is O'Meara, the intel- 
lectual of the trio — able, ambitious, imaginative, critical, 
indiscreet, unscrupulous, vainglorious ; a two - faced 
fraud, making the best of both worlds. Whilst Poppleton 
is attracted by his high spirits and good sense, but rightly 
distrusts him — ^rather on principle, qua Irishman, than 
from any intuitive perception of his real character — 
Piontkowski thinks him wholly engaging, and still, a 
twelvemonth after, in his Letters, refers to him as ' a 
very honest fellow.' He does not grasp the truth that 
the Surgeon, whom the Governor finds ' very useful,' 
is pla3dng a double, or rather treble, game, and giving 
away^ Napoleon to Lowe, Lowe to Napoleon, and both 

^ I use the word ' giving ' advisedly. M. Gonnard, dealing 
with O'Meara's reports to Lowe of his conversations with Napo- 
leon, writes : ' From the very fact that Sir Hudson Lowe says 
O'Meara's reports were generally unsolicited, he owns that he 
sometimes asked for them/ and he adds the footnote : ' In his 


to the Cabinet and the ' Rojral Personage/ Had Piont- 
kowski been a spy and a clever, as some have surmised, 
he would have ' nosed ' this fellow-craftsman incontinent. 
But the Pole, though intelligent, is not ' clever,' in any 
sense of that elastic term which fits the German Emperor 
and the Handcuff King equally well. So he takes the 
Irishman's wit for humour — the head for the heart — 
hangs upon his phrases, and in time weakly adopts his 
views as his own. 

The table-talk is mixed. There is some middling 
English from Piontkowski, a little thin subaltern French 
from Poppleton, and some quite impeccable Italian from 
O'Meara. The day's * shop ' is effleure — ^what He has 
done, what He has said, whose ear He has pinched, what 
gratuities He has given. Then come the Generals ; and 
they are mercilessly rallied. Piontkowski as a mere 
Captain rather likes it. Every night he hears O'Meara 
call Montholon hugiardo^ or poUrone and Las Cases 

letter to the Governor of October 31, 1816, O'Meara says that 
he sends the conversation " you were desirous of having yester- 
day." ' M. Gonnard rather misses the procedure. The ' report ' 
was not the first intimation. O'Meara would ride down to 
Plantation or the Castle, or send a few lines by a dragoon orderly, 
and volunteer the information that he had just had a conversation 
with the Emperor on such and such a topic, often giving some' 
extracts from it. Then the Governor would ask him for a de- 
tailed report in writing, usually to transmit to Bathurst. That 
is what occurred in nine cases out of ten. 

^ The liar. I hold no brief for Montholon, whose unveracity 
was a byword and whose trimming and coquetting with Lowe 
and Montchenu in 1820 was even more questionable than Gour- 
gaud's in 1818, because more calculated and self-seeking, though 
not fraught with such dire results to the Captive. But when 
M. Gonnard, elsewhere his semi-apologist, impugns Montholon's 
veracity, and substantiates his accusation with a citation from 
an incorrect French transcript of Lowe's great despatch to 
Bathurst of May 14, 1821, the spirit of the Count might well pray, 
for the nonce, to be saved from his friends. The subject is 
Napoleon's Memoirs, and the transcript at the Affaires Etrangires 


gesuita or cogUone at choice, and deems the epithets 
Imperial. Gourgaud is held up to ridicule as GorgoUOy 
the love-sick swain, with, haply, the trephiner's jest 
upon the fia mater whom the Baron plies with filial 
epistles every time a whaler puts to sea. And when the 
dessert and Constantia is brought in ' from the Emperor's 
own table,' the Irishman lets loose the full stream of his 
persiflage and plays around his pet victim, Madame de 
Montholon — her gowns, her hats, her sheets, her appetite, 
her expletives, or her accouchements, according to season. 
Fors3rth is right. There is a precious ribald ring about 
the O'merum sal, so to speak.^ 

quoted by M. Gonnard (p. 85, £ng. ed.) makes Montholon assert 
that the ' 7th, 8th, 9th, and i ith Books had been sent to O'Meara, 
but not for publication ' ; and the French writer very properly 
criticizes this, pointing out that the ninth Book had already 
been published, and that the eleventh was never written. 
Precisely — nor did Montholon ever deny the first or maintain 
the second. What the Despatch, of capital importance, says on 
this matter is as follows : ' He [Montholon] added, " Vous en 
avez m6me vus de publics," referring to the ninth Book of the 
Memoirs. They had advertised, he said, the publication of the 
seventh, eighth, and tenth Books, but they had not appeared : 
these had been sent to O'Meara, but not for publication ; he had 
published what he did without any authority, and they were all 
extremely angry with him for it. He [Ct. M.] would compel 
O'Meara to surrender up the remainder of the manuscripts he had 
in his possession. General Bonaparte, he said, had been extremely 
surprised and incensed at the publication of any part of them, 
as weU as of the account of the Battle of Waterloo by Gen. Gour- 
gaud, who was desired to deliver up the notes he was possessed 
of upon the subject previous to his departure from hence, and 
though he had given up one copy he had retained or rather pur- 
loined the other ; that this circmnstance had irritated Gen. 
Bonaparte against Gen. Gourgaud more than anything else in 
his conduct, and he had never forgiven it ' (L.P., 20,133, f. 203, 
and cf. L.P., 20,130, f. 181). 

^ Nevertheless, Forsyth's method of bowdlerizing O'Meara's 
letters is absurd and defeats its own object. Instead of cutting 
out the whole sentence and thus arousing no sense of deprivation, 
he expunges just the fetid Italian word or two, and leaves a for- 
lorn article, preposition, or pronoun in suspense over the dotted 


Lastly, Piontkowski himself — ^bright-eyed, loose-lipped, 
gentle-mannered, simple-minded, receptive, romantic, sus- 
ceptible, swayed up or down by the moment's impulse, 
and moved to smiles or tears with equal facility — ^a curious 
compound of the Slav's fanaticism, the Teuton's Schwdr- 
tnerei, the Frenchman's vanity, the Oriental's resignation, 
and the Athenian's gossip-mongering — ^not a trace of the 
Roman about him. Withal an amiable and affectionate 
nature. The rest may dislike, even despise, him — what 
matter ? Bertrand regards him, and Bertrand is the 
noblest of the whole Island contingent, custodians or 
captives, which rotates round Napoleon — a man of heart 
and character conjoined. And Piontkowski requites that 
feeling (witness the Letters) with an intense liking and 
admiration for the one who took knowledge of him at 
Elba, who signed his Hundred Daj^ certificates, who 
made him cicisbeo to his wife and children on that rush 
to the sea, who interceded for him on the Northumberland, 
who ever welcomes him at Hutt's Gate, and who, anon, 
will be disconcerted at his deportation from St. Helena. 
Sympathy has its laws, and such reciprocity speaks 
volumes. It confounds many sceptical sneers and much 
supercilious criticism. The Pole, then, doesn't much 
mind, as he sits there, half-intruding, between England, 
whom he has now lost faith in, and Ireland, whom he 
cannot quite fathom. He deems himself blest beyond 
most, for his desire is accomplished : he is about the 
Hero he worships and serves the ' Greatest of all 

Dinner is done. Poppleton goes oflE to complain for 
the twentieth time of Fowler's mutton or Barker's beef, 

void like a forwandered wretch dangling over a precipice ! One 
is impeUed by sheer human curiosity to see what the poor devil 
is doing and restore him to his ' relatives ' 1 


of the absence of mflk or the presence of waters O'Meara 
retires to write scandal to Finlayson or lubricities to 
Reade. The table is cleared ; the Broadwood * resounds 
in the distance ; the south-easterly breeze, redolent of 
' shrub,' sways the print curtains ;* the stinted tapers are 
dying in their sockets ;^ and Piontkowski muses alone. 
. . . Twelve months, eighteen at most,^ and all shall be 
over ! Napoleon will return to France — how, no matter 

^ ' The Boy sent with the milk frequently sells it on the way 
and afterwards returns to his master with a tale that he fell 
down and broke the bottle. . . . They have been two days without 
any milk. ... It is not the first nor the twentieth time they have 
experienced a similar inconvenience ' (Poppleton to Reade, L.P., 
20,117, ^' i^7)' 

' The rain comes into my rooms in many places ' (Poppleton 
to Lowe, L.P., 20,117, ^' 2x6). See also L.P., 20,116, f. 112 ; 
L.P., 20,116, f. 318, etc. And cf. ' The Farm is 200 paces from 
Longwood, yet the milk is sent for from Sandy Bay, 8 miles off. 
The slave who carries it sells lialf of it on the way and fiUs it up 
with water, when he does not sell the lot, as often happens. The 
milk is often spoilt, and seldom arrives in time ' (Addenda to the 
Letters, Add. MSS., 30,142, £ 50). Rarely indeed are Poppleton 
and Piontkowski in such agreement 1 

For similar depredations on solids see my note on the question 
of provisions, p. 208. 

' Bullock's Inventory, January, 1816 : 'To one pianoforte by 
Broadwood with additional keys, £48, 6. o. To one Billiard- 
table complete, ;^70. o. o.' (CO., 247. 7). Another piano was 
sent out from England at a cost to Napoleon of ;£i22 (L.P., 20,1 15, 
f. 64). This he bequeathed to Madame Bertrand ; and after 
much solicitation on her part she was allowed by the Governor 
to take it with her on the store-ship. Seeing the amount of 
baggage the returning Exiles already had with them, one under- 
stands Lowe's fear that the instrument in question might prove 
the last straw to break the Camers back 1 

• Ibid, : * To window-curtains of buff print lined blue, £18 10. o.' 
Napoleon's own rooms were more expensively curtained : ' To 
one window-curtain of dove-coloured striped silk Taboret with 
border of black cotton velvet edged with silk cord and lace ; 
draperies of black cotton velvet ornamented witli orange-coloured 
silk lace and fringe ; carved cornice and curtain-pins, £^g, 3. 9.' 

^ For an edifying discussion between Montholon and Gorrequer 
about, literally, candle-ends, see L.P., 20,121, f. 266. 

■ Forsyth, ii. 466. 


— of that he is confident. The Island fastness will be but 
as a nightmare that is done, Lowe but a bogey to frighten 
his children! Once again for the parade and cir- 
cumstance of War : the tense blue lines ; the silver gleam 
of the spear-heads ; the red and white pennons a-flutter ; 
the kaleidoscopic Staff ; the little hat and gray riding- 
coat ; the magnetic Presence ; the crisp, electric phrases, 
' Vive VEmpereuf /' ' Merci^ mes enfants /' . . . Water- 
loo is avenged ! St. Helena wiped out ! (as we would fain 
expunge it to-day). And he squares his shoulders and 
stiffens his neck, and his eyes flash in the darkness. . . . 
Then a glorious Peace, promotion and favours, the pomp 
and ceremony of Court. His bosom swells and Malvolio's 
smile plays upon his lips : ' To be Count ' — Piont- 
kowski ! (His biographer says he was already — ^perhaps, 
perhaps not ?) So the Rock is as Elba to him — a second 
stone to step up from, another lull before storming anew 
the Throne. And, thus ' day-dreaming,' he drops into a 
momentary slumber which quenches that day. . . . Poor 
little Polish Lancer ! He cannot perceive that the Sun 
of his Firmament is fast sinking^ — ^the set is at hand, 
gunfire feeling already for its funeral note.^ No more 
shall He glint from the domes of Madrid to Moscow's 
cupolas, and but palely light up the Galleries of Ver- 
sailles. . . .* 

^ ' Bonaparte expired yesterday evening at ten minutes before 
six. Just at the very instant the sun sank below the horizon 
he breathed his last sigh 1' (Gorrequer to Bingham, May 6, 182 1, 
Blackwood's, October, 1896). 

Not quite accurate, even allowing a trifle for the elevation of 
the Deadwood plateau. The Emperor expired at 5.49 by Amott's 
watch. That day the sun set at 5.40 (local mean time). Mar- 
chand, in his Souvenirs, is ten minutes out in his ' canon de re- 
traite.' In all likelihood the last sound to strike the dying sense 
of the once artilleryman of Toulon was the reverberation of the 

' ' Gli ultimi giomi.' 


And so to bed, with his boot-jack handy for the rats.^ 
Such is Piontkowski's day at St. Helena, as near as I 
figure it. 

There were two outstanding incidents in the Polish 
Follower's sojourn on the Island. One was the episode 
of the Declaration, the other the Nagle affair. They were 
much on a par, for the latter would have brought about 
his removal had the former not done so already. 

One of the first things Lowe did on his arrival, you 
remember, was, according to Bathurst's instructions, to 
exact a ' Declaration ' from each of the Followers — and 
presently from the servants en bloc — ^by which they bound 
themselves to submit personally to all the restrictions 
that were already, or might subsequently be, imposed 
upon the Captive. Forsjrth deals pretty fully with the 
matter, and prints the Declarations of Bertrand (who was 
rather refractory, and sent in a ' provisional/ or con- 
ditional, one first), of Montholon, of Las Cases, and of 
Gourgaud. Piontkowski's he omits, presmnably on the 
principle that he cuts out everything connected with the 
Pole, the only exception, I think, being the most uncom- 

^ The pest of St. Helena ; or rather, to be verminologically 
exact, one of the three pests— the second being mosquitoes and 
the third cockroaches. More than one writer has stigmatized 
Bathurst for his tasteless jest on the subject in his letter to Lowe 
(Forsyth, ii. 413). That he could treat the matter seriously is 
shown by Goulburn's official request to Lowe of August 28, 1817, 
to ' transmit to Lord Bathurst an accurate statement of the extent 
of the evil, the causes from which it has arisen, and the remedies 
you propose to adopt. . . . There would be no difficulty in sending 
a Ratcatcher from this country if the Island should not possess 
one ' (L.P., 20,119, ^' 302). Which offer seems not to have been 
followed up, for I have failed to trace that particular artist. 
Possibly Bathur9t reconsidered it at the instance of the Carica- 
turists of all nations, that Mr. Broadley might fitly illustrate his 
St. Helena chapter ? Anyhow the Pied Piper of Longwood is 
still in the melting-pot of the poet. 



plimentary passage about him (containing an untruth 
besides) that he can possibly find in all Lowe's despatches. 
As his biographer tells us, Piontkowski wrote and sent 
to Plantation House two Declarations. The first was as 
follows (I give it in the original) : 

* J'ai suivi TEmpereur Napoleon sur le BeUerophon. 
Desol^ de n'^tre pas admis k la faveur de le suivre, je suis 
rentr^, aprds son depart, dans le port de Plymouth. J'ai 
obtenu le 14 aofit la permission de venir k Ste. H^Sne oil 
je suis depuis le 30 d6cembre dernier. Je n*ai rien trouv6 
de ce que Ton disoit k Plymouth de la beauts de I'lsle, 
de la salubrity de son climat, et des ^gards dont on disoit 
etre entourfe TEmpereur et les personnes de Sa suite. 
L'Isle est affreuse ; c'est proprement Tlsle de la Desola- 
tion. Son climat ne ressemble k aucun climat de la terre. 
On y est perp^tuellement dans les nuages au milieu de 
brouillards ou expos6 k un soleil ardent — bienfait dont on 
est priv6 les trois quarts du temps. L'humidit6 ordinaire 
de risle mettra un terme prompt k la vie de TEmpereur 
et des personnes de Sa suite. Mais, malgr^ cette triste 
perspective, je suis constant dans mon ardent d6sir de 
rester auprfe de TEmpereur. Aucun danger, aucune 
misSre ne pourra me f aire regretter cette resolution libre 
et mtlrement refltehie. Quelqu'affreux que pourroit fetre 
mon sort, je le supporterai avec courage ; la persuasion 
d'avoir fait mon devoir me donnera les forces n^cessaires 
pour le surmonter. Tels sont mes sentiments, auxquels 
je suis bien r^solu de demeurer inviolablement attache, 
et je me soumets aux restrictions que Ton nous impose, 
quoiqu'elles soyent vexatoires, arbitraires et motiv^es 
par aucune necessity, puisqu'il sufiit de garder le rivage 
pour 6ter tout moyen de s'^chapper de ce Rocher escarpe. 

' (Signe) Piontkowski, Capitaine. 

* IsLB DB St£. HftLiNB. LoNGWooD, Ce i8 Avfil, x8x6.' ^ 

* LJ>.. 20,ii5» f. 65. 


This declaration (which in one or two passages betrays 
the hand of another person than its author) Piontkowski 
gives in to Bertrand, who sends it to Lowe early on the 
20th. He must have thought it a trifle high-falutin' 
towards the end, for on the morrow he indites the fol- 
lowing emendation : 

* J'ai suivi TEmpereur Napol6on sur le BelUrophan. 
Aprfe son depart de Plymouth j'ai continue k y renter, 
n'ayant pas 6t6 admis k la faveur de la suivre. J'ai 
depuis obtenu la permission de venir k Ste. H61dne oA je 
suis depuis le 30 d^cembre dernier. Je n'ai rien trouv^ 
de ce qu'on m'avoit dit k Plymouth de la beauts de I'lsle, 
de la salubrity de son climat et des 6gards dont on disoit 
£tre entour6s I'Empereur Napol6on et les personnes se Sa 
suite. L'Ide est afireuse ; c'est proprement I'lsle de la 
Delation. Son climat ne ressemble k aucun climat de 
la terre ; on y est perp6tuellement dans les nuages au 
milieu de brouillards, ou expose k un soleil ardent — 
bienfait dont on est m6me priv^ les trois quarts du temps. 
L'humidit^ ordinaire de I'lsle mettra un terme prompt k 
la vie de I'Empereur et des personnes de Sa suite. Ce- 
pendant je suis constant dans mon ardent d^ir de rester 
auprte de I'Empereur, et je me soumets aux restrictions 
que Ton nous a impost, quoiqu'elles soient vexatoires, 
arbitraires et motivdes par aucune n^essit^, puisqu'il 
suffit de garder le rivage pour 6ter tout moyen de s'6chap- 
per de ce Rocher ardent. 

* (Sign6) Piontkowski, Capitaine. 

* Ce 19 avfil, x8i6/* 

This version he sends to Reade on the 20th, with the 
following note : 

' I have the honour to ask you to replace my first 
Declaration by this one herein enclosed, seeing that one 

* L.P., 20,115, f. 67. Original at L.P., 15,729, f. 21. 


might suppose from certain terms I have used that I 
came to St. Helena in the hope of finding a beautiful 
country and enjojong a distinguished consideration. I 
had intended to present my respects this day to His Ex- 
cellency the Governor, and to ask you by word of mouth 
what I now do by letter ; but the impossibility of finding 
an English officer to accompany me prevents it. Not 
having had time to inform the Grand-Marshal of the step 
I am taking, I venture to ask you to bum my first 
Declaration, whilst making no mention of the substitu- 
tion, lest one might think that I had effected some very 
material alterations. 

* (Signed) Piontkowski.'^ 

In very truth the alterations were too trifling to bother 
about. The writer's concern lest ' one ' should put an 
unfavourable construction upon his action is only equalled 
by the naivete of his estimate of Reade ! The D.A.G. 
was the very last person on the Island who could be taken 
into anyone's confidence, and who could keep anything 
from the Governor. As to the ' time,' be it remembered 
that Lowe had fixed a limit — ^the 20th — ^and that Bertrand 
was not residing at Longwood. As for the faithfulness 
of the Pole's picture of St. Helena, we get a corroboration 
thereof in really the most unexpected quarter — Lowe 
himself, to vdt. On the 23rd he writes to Bunbury: 
' Captain Piontkowski's description of the place is not 
altogether an inaccurate one. You will see it in his 
Declaration.'* — ^which is spatchcocked between a turtle 
for Bathurst and respects to Lady Holland. From which 
we gather that Piontkowski's description is quite accurate. 
For, be it said par pareiUhise, Lowe is possessed of that 
love of litotes and periphrasis in writing and that dubita- 

* L.P., 20,1x5, ^' ^' * L.P., 20,140, f. 41;. 


tion and non-committal in speech which mark your 
average Englishman who ' believes he has caught a cold ' 
and ' thinks he will take a pill 'I His circumlocution and 
subordinate phrasing must have sorely tried those concise 
and precise foreigners about him. When Bertrand asks 
him on October 5 if Piontkowski is to go, he replies that 
* he believes the Captain is particularly pointed out.' The 
Pole's fate had been sealed irrevocably three months 
before by Bathurst. When Sturmer requests his oflftcial 
permission to repatriate his cook, suffering from Heimweh^ 
Lowe does not give a simple polite assent. He ' begs leave 
to state he is not aware of any objection to the embarka- 
tion.'^ Nor does he ' write,' but he ' has thought it not 
inexpedient to address you,' and so forth. Napoleon 
sneeringly called his Gaoler the ' scribe of a Staff.' See- 
ing the spinning, distaff had been apter ! 

Not once, but twice, in his Letters, Piontkowski 
asseverates that the Declaration above led to his removal 
from St. Helena, and his Biographer states the same. 
As the truth of this assertion has been questioned by at 
least one writer, let us look a little closely into the matter. 

On April 23 the Havannah frigate (Captain Hamilton) 
sailed for England.^ She had on board Colonel Wilkes 
and family and despatches and letters as follows : 
(i) Lowe to Bathurst, dated April 21, enclosing {a) Report 
of conversation with Napoleon, (b) and {c) two fortnightly 
accounts of Balcombe and Co. ; (2) Lowe to Bathurst, 
April 22, enclosing {a) the ' form of Declaration,' (6) the 
Declarations (' packet No. 2 ') of Las Cases, Gourgaud, 
Montholon, and Piontkowski ; (c) Bertrand's provisional 
Declaration [his final, or ' humble-pie,' Declaration of 
the 24th went by the Salcette on May 14] ; (d) copy of 
Lowe's reply to Bertrand ; (3) Lowe to Bathurst April 23, 
* L.P.,. 20,118, f. 378. ■ See Log, Appendix C. 


enclosing copy oi correspondence with Bertrand re 
Declaration ; (4) Lowe to Torrens, April 23 ; (5) Lowe 
to Bunbury, April 22 ; (6) Lowe to Bunbury, April 23, 
enclosing two letters from Lady Lowe; (7) O'Meara's 
three letters ; (8) The * anonymous letter * which subse- 
quently got O'Meara into trouble ; (9) Gourgaud's letter 
to his mother, and (10) Bertrand's two letters to his 
relatives.^ The Havannah reached Spithead on June 15, 
and the next day the Secretary was in receipt of his 
packet. Let us reconstruct the scene. Bathurst peruses 
Lowe's despatches and gathers that the Declarations are 
' pretty strong,' and that in the Governor's opinion the 
' whole of the Followers had better be removed, with the 
exception perhaps of Las Cases.'* He reads the Declara- 
tions of Montholon, Gourgaud, and Las Cases. Yes, 
they answer the description ; from his point of view, their 
authors are arrogant, unsubmissive, presumptuous, politi- 
cally scheming, and altogether reprehensible. Still, 
though nominally ' on sufferance,' they are ' Followers 
of the first hour,' .men of splendid antecedents and past 
merit, whose present eclipse is second only to their 
Master's. There's much to be said for them. Then he 
turns to Piontkowski's Declaration, and he mutters, and 
he frowns, for it is quite une autre poire de manchesl 
What ! here is a youngster, a mere quondam trooper of 
Napoleon's, who has knelt to Lord Keith and begged to 
be sent to St. Helena ; who has craved that boon day and 
night from the English Government, and thrown himself 
upon his generosity and his fellow Ministers'; and no sooner 
is that signal favour granted to him — ^and him alone — 
than he proceeds to inveigh against the haven he has 

1 L.P., 20,116, f. 6sv ; L.P., 20,135, ff. 1^41; ; L.P., 20,240, 
flf. 3 and 4 ; L.P., 20,115, ff. 75 and 78. 
« L.P., 20,115, f. 86. 


sought, the treatment meted out to the Captive and the 
restrictions which A^ in his departmental wisdom has 
imposed upon the latter. This, says Bathurst, is ' the 
limit !' It is not only arrogance ; it is not only political 
meddling ; it is gross ingratitude to boot ; and he then 
and there decides that whoever may or may not be 
deported from St. Helena, Piontkowski shall be the first 
to go. Ten days but serve to confirm his decision and 
supply him with two additional incentives, and on June 26 
he pens his despatch to Lowe (received by the Eurydice 
on September ^9, and imparted to Napoleon by Reade 
on October 4), in which he says : * You will therefore 
remove from General Bonaparte at least four of the 
persons who went out with him. You will understand 
that I include Captain Piontkowski amongst the number, 
although, strictly speaking, he followed him some time 
after the Northumberland sailed.' ^ Lest it be thought 
the foregoing is surmise pure and simple, I submit the 
foUowing passage from Lowe's despatch to Bathurst 
of October 10 — ^which Forsjrth cuts out.* Lowe is re- 
peating his conversation with Bertrand on the 5th in 
which he apprized him ofiicially of Piontkowski's 
imminent removal. He proceeds : ' When in England 
he [Piontkowski] had solicited as an act of particular 
favour to be permitted to come to this Island, and he was 
no sooner here than he began to develop a political character ^ 
and to deliver in his Declaration full of abuse of the 
Government which had assented to his request. . . . 
Gen. Bertrand seemed disconcerted on hearing Capt. P. 
was likely to be removed, but remarked with reference 
to his own Declaration that there had been nothing 
violent in it.'* 

* t.P., 20,115, 1 236. • i. 32I, 

• L.P., 20,116, f. 132. 


So you see, Piontkowski's removal was primarily the 
penalty paid for his outspokemiess, the questions of 
expense and of security having but a secondary impor- 

But, as I have said, had this Declaration been never so 
submissive, the Pole would still, in all likelihood, have 
been deported from St. Helena, very much at the period 
that he was, for his part in the Nagle affair. 

Lieutenant Nagle of the 53rd was a close friend of 
Poppleton's, and usually accompanied the Captain when 
he went on one of his frequent fishing expeditions, leaving 
FitzGerald in charge. Nagle had a pretty wife, who 
visited regularly at Longwood, her first call being dated 
December 18, 1815.^ Of the two remaining Captains 
in the Camp,' Younghusband and Mansel to wit, the 
first-named sought distraction in the society of the Exiles, 
and he, too, would on occasion be accompanied by his 
spouse, who, by common report, was what is familiarly 
known as a ' holy terror.' As nature had denied Mrs. 
Younghusband those charms of person and manner she 
had showered so bountifully upon Mrs. Nagle, the former 
proceeded characteristically to slander her more fortunate 
rival. There was really little else to do at Deadwood, 
which, between its half-yearly Race Meetings, lived up, 
or rather died down, to its name. What exactly the 
Captain's lady said of Lieutenant's little matters, but as 
it aspersed her conjugal virtue rather badly the Nagles 
had no choice but to bring the case before the local Court. 
The action came on at the beginning of October, 1816, 
with the result that the Younghusbands were mulcted in 
damages to the tune of ;f25o. Gourgaud refers to the 

* RScits, i. 199. 

■ * Jan. I, 1817 — 2nd Batt. 53rd : i Majors 3 Captains, 9 
Lieutenants, 8 Ensigns, 610 N.C.O.'s and R. and F.' (L.P., 20,134, 
f. X66), 


verdict and sneers at Nagle (whom he miscalls Neal) for 
settling the matter thus publicly and pecuniarily rather 
than, tnore gaUico, in some quiet clearing in Long Wood. 
Stiirmer, too, writing on January 10, 1817, mentions the 
case as ' the most recent incident here ' — ^whence one 
gathers that episodes in his ken were like archangels' 
visits. Now, whether the nerves of the Nagles were 
upset by the uncertainty of the pending suit and required 
recuperation overseas, or whether the young couple 
divined the coming award and decided that Bond Street 
only could do justice thereto, the fact remains that towards 
the end of August, the date of the great ' Protest,' the 
Lieutenant determined to take his wife and family to 
England, and began to make preparations for the passage. 
This was deemed at Longwood an excellent opportunity 
for the transmission of Montholon's letter to England, 
and Piontkowski accordingly was deputed to sound Nagle 
on the subject. The following document officially narrates 
his performance : 

' Memorandum [in the hand of Gorrequer] of a Con- 
versation which took place between Captain Piontkowski 
and Lt. Nagle of the 2nd Batt. of the 53rd Regt. at the 
beginning of the month of September, 1816, as related 
by the latter to Sir H. Lowe on October 6th at Plantation 
House : — About a month ago Capt. Piontkowski called 
on Thomas Nagle at Deadwood, and asked him when he 
proposed going to England. He answered, " So soon as 
he conveniently could." Capt. P. then inquired if he 
intended visiting France, and on being answered in the 
negative, he resumed, sajong, if [he] had it in contempla- 
tion, he could procure him letters of introduction from 
Marshal Bertrand {sic), who had great interest in France, 
and he knew Mr. Nagle would be well received, the more 
particularly on its being known from whence he came — 


but this was declined. Capt. P. also desired to know 
whether Mr. Nagle went home on a man-of-war or in a 
transport, and on being told in a transport, remarked 
that laying in a sea-stock for a family for so long a voyage 
was a very expensive thing, and expressed his regret 
that it was out of their power at Longwood to provide 
him with anything from the house in consequence of 
their being placed on short allowance, otherwise they 
would have had much pleasure in doing so. Capt. P. 
asked Mr. N. whether he had seen the Letter lately written 
to the Governor from Longwood House, and on receiving 
for answer " he had not seen it," added he would show 
him a copy which would enable him the better to explain 
to the people in England how badly they were treated at 
St. Helena, for he knew very well the Governor would 
not transmit that Letter to England. This Mr. Nagle 
also declined, excusing himself by saying he did not 
understand French. 

' Capt. P. begged Mr. N. would ascertain if his wife 
still lived at Sir Francis Burdett's, though he feared she 
had left that house, but should he be able to find her out 
an3rwhere in London, would he explain to her how they 
were situated here, and tell her how glad he was she had 
not come out to St. Helena to be starved. 

' When Capt. P. had ascertained from Lt. N. where 
he intended lodging at Jamestown (after leaving Dead- 
wood) until he embarked, he said he would call upon him 
there, as he particularly wished to see him again before 
he sailed ; he, however, never called upon him since. 
Lt. Nagle called upon Madame Bertrand about a week 
ago, when he was informed by her that Ct. Bertrand 
was very much displeased with Capt. Piontkowski for 
having made use of his name to Mr. N. (as above related), 
which he had never authorized him to do. Lt. N. also 


stated that during bis wife's confinement Ct. Las Cases 
was in the habit of frequently sending to make in- 
quiries after her health, though he himself did not visit 
there.' ^ 

Let any who supposes Piontkowski to have been a 
crafty spy or a scheming adventurer consider the above 
piece of diplomacy. It is far from the Talleyrand touch ! 
Nagle, to be sure, was no schoolman for subtlety. But 
a few years before, he was an English schoolboy, in all 
likelihood mis-scanning his 'Timeo Danaos/ and had 
barely had time to forget the application of the line. 
So that, when, with the tactics of Arcadia^ Piontkowski 
first woimded his amour-propre by suggesting he was 
unequal to the task of embarking his own family, and 
followed it up by tendering those very shadowy entries 
and those gifts ' that might have been ' from Longwood 
of all places, the Lieutenant must have quietly smiled 
and wondered as to the Captain's mother ! Poor Piont- 
kowski was let in on both sides^ for he was certainly 
put up to these puerilities either by Las Cases (who had 
been trying something of the sort himself), or, more 
likely, by Montholon and his wife, who never lost an 
opportunity of working off their spleen against the 
Bertrands, and guessed that dragging his name in would 
be highly displeasing to the Grand-Marshal — as it proved. 

Lowe hit the nail on the head when he wrote later 
to Lord Charles Somerset at the Cape that, though 
Piontkowski had been disavowed in the Nagle affair by 
the Generals * he was not convinced that they may not 
have employed him on the occasion.' * As with a Revolu- 
tion, success was its only raison d'etre, and when it ended 
in failure, it is not surprising to find that the whole thing 
was disowned at Longwood and that the Captain was 

* L.P., 20,116, f. 2. * CO., 247. 6. 


severely called to account, U Gourgaud's ' revelations ' 
can be trusted ^ — personally I refuse to credit the asser- 
tion that the Emperor wished Piontkowski arrested 
pour oter le soupfon. He was too just for that. 

Though this abortive attempt was not known at Planta- 
tion House for some time, Nagle imparted it at once 
to his friend Poppleton, who, with a shrewdness one would 
not have supposed in him, advised the Lieutenant to 

* lie low ' and await the Captain's next visit in order to 
entrap him still deeper * But the Pole never came, and 
Nagle had to content himself with what he had already 

* pumped ' from him — the word is his — recalling, however, 
an additional request to ' let the People in "England know 
how badly they were treated.'* 

Coming as it did on top of Captain Gray's and Lieu- 
tenant Louis's heinous ofEence in allowing the Protest to 
be read to them at Longwood, and talking it over after- 
wards at the 53rd Mess,^ Nagle's deposition must have 
made the Governor exceedingly wroth ; and one wonders 
whether his anger with Piontkowski was not outweighed 
by his suspicion <^ of Nagle and Poppleton, lest after 

^ Lowe to Bathurst, March 15, 1818 (CO., 247. 13). 

* L.P., 20,208, f. 27. • L.P.. 20.116, f. 14. 

* L.P., 20,115,1.454. 

That Lowe's suspicion amounted to monomania even his 
apologists will allow, and Forsyth gives one or two ludi- 
crous examples, which have tickled Lord Rosebery. As the 
Governor congenitally suspected everything, iirom mail-bags to 
metaphors and battleships to beans, it were easy to adduce four 
of five score instances from the Papers, some rather pathetic. 
Let three suffice : — ^Marchand has sketched a view of Long- 
wood House and garden, and introduced the figures of Napoleon, 
Bertrand, Montholon, O'Meara, and himself. The picture hangs 
in Bertrand's parlour. When Lutyens pays a duty call on 
Madame Bertrand on his appointment as Orderly Officer, his 
hostess shows him round, and pointing out the sketch to him, 
says, ' The figure in the foreground is O'Meara,' for the obvious 
reason that as Lutyens' regiment reached St. Helena eight months 


keeping such news from him for a whole month, they 
still might not have withheld some very material items. 

Lowe took forty*eight hours to think out a fit punish- 
ment for Piontkowski. Had his fate not been sealed 

« « ■ IP 

after the surgeon's departure, the Captain would not otherwise 
have known whom the said figure was meant for. Lowe worms 
out of Lutyens the minutest particulars of the visit, and at 
O'Meara's name pricks up his ears, straightway suspects Madame 
Bertrand of all manner of fell machinations, and writes this 
absurdity to Bathurst : ' This picture is meant to serve as a kind 
of touchsione to judge of the disposition of occasional visitors ' 
(L.P., 20,129, f. 163). This is rather more pitiful. Shortly before 
O'Meara's departure a tptding vessel brings a fine telescope for 
sale ' on spec.' The Emperor deputes the surgeon to purchase 
it, and the latter goes down to the sea-front for the purpose. 
Lowe and Reade hear of this and promptly snap up the glass, 
in order that it should not go to Longwood. When Sir Hudson 
refers to the matter with Balmain, the Commissioner very natur- 
ally says : ' But, surely, you wouldn't prevent Bonaparte from 
having a telescope ?* Lowe casts about for some justification 
of his meanness to this effect : ' Was he [Napoleon] to have the 
best telescope in the Island ? Surely it was for the Governor 
to be enabled to discover the approach of ships before any other 
person, not for Napoleon ' (L.P., 20,123, f. 266). So the Captive 
must forego the distraction of sweeping the verge lest he descry, 
before Pritchard's Telegraph brigade or even the ' Windward 
Cruizer ' — an impossibility — some friendly sail, and for one secret 
hour nurse, I suppose, an ' Inclination to escape ' 1 This savours 
of Bedlam. In one of his several quarrels with the Governor, 
Balmain frankly writes him : ' Je suis aussi ind6pendant sur ce 
Rocher que vous-mdme 1' (L.P., 20,127, ^- ^4)- Lowe's suspicions 
are aroused, and by what, do you think ? The independence ? 
The tone ? No ; the phrase ' sur ce Rocher ' — which the Exiles 
and the Commissioners, 1 need hardly say, used twenty times 
a day. And why ? Because in his great Letter of three years 
before Montholon had ended his paragraph respecting the Com- 
missioners with those very words, ' sur ce Rocher.' Balmain, 
argues Lowe, must have reproduced the phrase from that Letter ; 
ergo he sympathizes with its tone, and hence with its writer : 
and the Russian for that trope is branded with Napoleonism ! 
' Would that mine enemy had written ' . . . three words 1 Lowe 
actually descants to Bathurst upon the subject, and also to 
Balmain, who, of course, is quite mystified, and rejoins : ' If 
your remarks contain a hidden meaning will you be good enough 
to reveal it to me and to unveil the back of your mind. It is 


by Bathurst's despatch eight days before, doubtless the 
Governor would himself have decreed deportation. As 
it was, his opportunity came on the 8th, and therewith 
that comical note which is never long absent from the 
drama of St. Helena. It usually springs from an invita- 
tion — Napoleon ' to meet the Countess ' ; Montchenu and 
the Lowe Christening ;^ the Bertrands' bibulous chef 

only then that I can answer you ' (L.P., 20,127, f. 133). In the 
same way Lowe suspects the phrase ' French colony/ used in a 
letter by Cardinal Consalvi when speaking of the little band of 
Exiles at Longwood. So he withholds the missive, lest it ' might, 
had I communicated it, have given ground to some fresh pre- 
tensions or undue expectation at Longwood ' (L.P., 20,129, 
f. 319). There was much of comedy at St. Helena, grafted upon 
that awful Tragedy of the Rock ; but, crowning the lot, was this 
colossal irony, that the sanest Intellect of his age had a maniac 
to guard him I 

^ One of the most comical incidents of all. In October, x8i6. 
Lady Lowe gave birth to a son — ^her eldest, not the future Captain 
Lowe of Cawnpore fame. Montchenu, ever keen on dieap 
entertainment, invited himself betimes to the christening fes- 
tivity and (to pay his scot ?) volunteered to ask the King of 
France to stand sponsor to the child. Lowe, who thought that 
absurd, declined with thanks, and added in jest (' &n badinant ') 
that he ' might as well ask Bonaparte.' The Marquis repeated 
this last gravely to his Colleagues, who hailed it as a heaven-sent 
item for their next despatches. When Sturmer met Lowe, he 
rallied him upon this avowed ' intention ' of his. The Governor 
was first surprised and then aghast at the turn the thing had 
taken and the possibility of its reaching the various Courts and 
there placing him in a false light, and vehemently declared to 
the Baron that he would have to be a ' coquin ' and a ' scHSrat ' 
to make any such proposal seriously. What with the joke on 
one side and the joke on the other, the matter, similia similibus, 
developed along quite melodramatic lines. The whole Plantation 
paraphernalia was requisitioned by the Governor, and Gorrequer 
and his juniors had the time of their secretarial lives ! There 
were interviews, letters, circular notes, confrontations, affidavits, 
interrogatories and the rest of the inquisitorial instruments. 
Eventually Montche&u apologized for his part in the afiair, and 
swore a great oath ' upon his sword ' (which he had never un- 
sheathed hostilely in his life I), whilst Lowe relieved his outraged 
feelings in an incensed recapitulatory despatch to Bathurst, 
begging his Lordship to observe that ' this was the way in which 


and no dinner. Here Poppleton writes to Lowe on the 

' Captain Piontkowski apply'd to me just now to know 
if he could accept of an invitation to a Party that is to 
meet to-morrow in a small Wood a short distance from 
Longwood. I told him if it was within the Bounds I 
knew of no objection. The Party is made in consequence 
of a relation of Mrs. Kay's (of the Alarm House)^ being 
married, and I understand from him they are to dine 
there.' « 

Poppleton's pearl,^ forsooth, which, grammar and all, 

he was beset on aU sides, but that he would know how to defend 
himself against those that attacked him' (L.P., 20,116 end; 
20, 11 J passim). 

On Montchenu as a pique-assieUe this is rather telling : ' It 
is to the persons from Longwood alone, on their visits to the 
Town, that his House and Table have been principally open. 
The British Officers and Society here have little obligation for any 
return of their real and continued attentions towards him ' (Lowe 
to Bathurst, November 6, 1820; L.P., 20.131, f. 176). So much 
so that the Governor took a malicious pleasure in putting a spoke 
in Montchenu's wheel and forbade, at the eleventh hour and on 
a very trumpery ground, a luncheon ofiered to the Montholons. 
With obvious Schadenfreude does he write to Bathurst : ' Although 
the CoUation was prepared at the Marquis' the Party did not 
meet ' (L.P., 20,126, f. 330»). 

^ Strictly ' of the Alarm House locality.' Dr. Kay, medical 
superintendent of the E.I.C.'s Establishment, lived next to 
Torbett, in the valley below Hutt's Gate, on the way from Briars 
to Longwood or Fisher's Valley. He was the most erudite man 
at St. Helena, and what philosophical problems the Rev. Mr. 
Boys could not cope with were usually submitted to him. Barnes 
calls him ' one of the most classical scholars of the age ' ; which 
Cockburn rather narrows down to Bertrand : ' the most classical 
person in the Island, who knows Greek and Latin perfectly ' 
(CO., 247. 10). 

• L.P., 20,208, f. 39. 

' It must have been the nature of their functions which led 
the Orderly Officers to write like policemen— one almost expects 
the exordial ' Acting upon information received.' They all do 
it to a greater or less degree. Happily a certain nalvet6 relieves 
most of these constabulary concoctions. Poppleton's I . have 


might, with the necessary changes, have convened the 
guests to the famous Swarry at Bath I And what an 
idyllic noce champetre in store for the morrow, yonder 
amidst the odoriferous gumwoods and the poetical willows 

given an insight into already ; Blakeney's is on a par ; Lutyens' a 
trifle less ; whilst the most refreshing is easily George NichoUs'. 
That incomparable ' O.O.' has a j'aie de vivre of his own. Lowe 
asks him to a Plantation ' hop/ and he replies he ' will be most 
delighted to go, never having seen a St. Helena Ball.' Nor 
St. Paul's either, I suspect. On the next such occasion he is shp- 
shod, even in his spelling : he can't go ' because of a bad foot which 
obliges me to go shp-shewed ' (L.P., 20,128, f. 458). Given some 
of his duties, rubber heels and a ' rubber neck ' had been prefer- 
able, and a competent underling I C/. ' The orderly Serjeant is 
a very stupid fellow and of no use to me whatever. I shall have 
another person on the look-out during these moonlight nights ' 
(L.P., 20,228, f. 267). Yes, George, there was a great deal for 
your venal ' Tommy ' to descry around Longwood in those 
voluptuous nights upon the i6th paraUel : but whether Don 
Juan sacrificing to the Paphian or Autolycus to his own pro- 
genitor was the more profitable ' cop.' is not for me or even the 
Lowe Papers to decide. 

Like Poppleton, Nicholls is great on the evidence of the bell. 
He terms it ' collateral information ' (L.P., 20,227, f. 263), and 
that gives his little notes quite a dialectical flavour. His liturgical 
touches are less happy : ' I enclose a paper containing the names 
of two persons who wish to be united in the holy band of matri- 
mony' (L.P., 20,126, f. 36). Nicholls' Journal (L.P., 20,210) is 
worth giving as a whole, and I commend it to Mr. Shorter for his 
next St. Helena medley. He is the most unsophisticated and 
human of the Orderlies. He has his Nature-study : ' This was 
certainly one of the finest evenings I ever saw ' (f . 4) ; his eye 
for a gown : ' Mdme. de Montholon paid a visit to Napoleon, 
splendidly dressed in full Court Costume ' (f . 4) ; his scenic 
regrets : ' The masons to-day began on the New House [October 2, 
i3i8 — ^ready for occupation February xo, 1821]. There was no 
ceremony used in la3ring the first stone ' (f. 3) ; his peeps d la 
Wiertz : ' Saw Napoleon through a telescope. His countenance 
appeared excessively cadaverous and ghastly ' (f . 4) ; his com- 
mercial touches : ' I think he [Napoleon] has commenced business 
again ' (f. 12) — i.e,, dictating his Memoirs ; his spirit of caste : 
' I told him that nothing less than a GentUman was sufficient ' 
(f . 7) — ttM,, for evidence of Napoleon's presence ; his worship 
of Aletheia : ' So much for the veracity of these people V [the 
Montholons] (f. 23) ; his respect for the Sabbath : ' I told Ct. 


and wild olives, where the ' foreign gentleman ' in the 
mirificent cocked-hat ^ would have frisked and frolicked 
with the bride (of the Alarm House, thank God !) and 
been, if not the soul, at least the Pole of the Party! 

Alas ! Kay proposes, but L disposes ; and the blow 

was not long in falling. Reade replies the same day : 
' I am directed by the Governor to acquaint you that in 
consequence of Captain Piontkowski's conduct on several 
occasions, and particularly his late communication to 
Lt. Nagle, you are not to acquiesce in any proposal on 
his part for quitting the boundaries of Longwood, or 
communicating with any person whatever, except with 
General Bonaparte's own family.** Poor Piontkowski ! 
Here he is already putting his traps together, having 
heard on the 4th (or at latest the 5th) of his imminent 
removal, and he must needs carry away the gall of this 
final humiliation ! Do you wonder that he nursed in his 
breast a lifelong resentment against Lowe which sullies 
his pages and tinges even his Biographer's ? They say 
the best way to a man's heart is through his stomach. 
The surest way out, apparently, is to dish him of a dinner ! 
Let us hope that at Bertrand's board that night — ^probably 
for the Ust time — ^he found meet solace for his soul and 
meat compensation elsewhere. 

Bertrand's servant that the work [gardening] was not allowed to 
go on on Sundays ' (f . 32) ; his paragraphic pathos : ' A melan- 
choly catastrophe happened to Lt. Davy and Ensign McDougall 
of the 66th, who went out fishing, and a surge washed them 
ofE the rocks, to be seen no more living ' (f . 7) ; his sartorial cor- 
rectitade : ' The General's appearance was rather grotesque : 
nankeen jacket, waistcoat and irowsers and a straw hat ' (f. 38) ; 
and lastly his sense of the vamty of human endeavom* and the 
impermanence of terrene afiairs : ' His sole amusement seems 
to be building sod walls . . . and pulling down to-day that which 
he had reared the day before ' (f . 39) . That, ye gods, of Napoleon 
the Great I 

^ See Hodson's letter printed by Mr. Shorter. 

* L.P., 2o,ii^, f. 114. 



Things now developed speedily with Piontkowski. On 
the loth Lowe spoke to Bertrand about him in the terms 
I have already quoted.^ On the 12th he himself writes 
to Lowe this protest : ' Captain Poppleton has communi- 
cated to me an order from you by which I must neither 
leave Longwood nor speak with any other persons than 
those in the Emperor's service. Astonished at such a 
step, which is taken only against me, may I be allowed 
to ask you to let me know the reason for it.'' Needless 
to say, Lowe did not condescend to give a reply, the tenor 
of which Piontkowski already knew, and which he could 
only have wanted for documentary purposes ; but what 
the Governor did do was to smnmon him to Plantation 
House on the morrow, the 13th, the date of his last 
luncheon with the Emperor. From a hint dropped by 
Gourgaud I thought at first that in this case Piontkowski 
must have undergone one of those formal ' interroga- 
tories ' to which the Governor was so prone, and I sought 
high and low for a report of it. It was not in the Papers 
nor in the Records. Now Lowe was too careful to lose 
any document : there was no report. But Lowe was too 
fond of red-tape to dispense with Gorrequer or Wjmsrard 
on such official occ|isions; there was no interrogatory. 
And sure enough, on February 16, 1818, when Gourgaud 's 
papers were searched at his departure by Gorrequer, the 
A.D.C. found a copy of a note from Piontkowski to 
Bertrand relating what took place ' when he was spoken 
to by Lowe at Plantation House,' and Gorrequer adds 
' of no consequence.'* We may safely assume that when 
the Captain presented himself in answer to the summons, 
the Governor vouchsafed him a couple of phrases to the 
effect that he had incurred his displeasure over the Nagle 
affair and that as he was leaving incontinent no more 

* See p. 87. * L.P., 20,204, f. 20. * CO., 247. 13. 


need be said — ^and so, ' good-bye !' On the 14th, 15th, 
and i6th the question of the Declarations (which, by 
Bathurst's orders, had been presented once more in their 
original form for signature) agitated the little Court. 
The Pole, as he was leaving, was not called upon to sign, 
and of the others only Santini, acting doubtless upon 
higher instructions, refused to do so. This virtually 
marked him out as one of the trio to be deported in 
addition to Piontkowski ; and on the i8th Lowe informed 
Bertrand that ' the selection of the four having been left 
to his judgment ' — ^he errs : only the balance of three was 
left to his choice — * he had fixed upon Captain Piont- 
kowski, and Santini, Rousseau and one of the Archam- 
baults, or the two Archambaults with Rousseau.'^ They 
were all to embark before two the next day, and Popple- 
ton was to render any assistance required for the removal. 
Previous to his departure Piontkowski was given Instruc- 
tions by Napoleon, which Gourgaud tells us' he wrote 
out on the i6th-^what these were one gathers from the 
Letters. He received the livret^ or certificate, given in 
Appendix A, besides a substantial gratuity ; was made 
Chef d'Escadron, or Cavalry Major, and empowered to 
claim two years' pay in advance from the Family of 
Napoleon. On the 19th he embarked on the David 
transport for the Cape. He was accompanied as far as 
the Alarm House by all the Generals, who embraced him 
and took leave of him with marks of regret — ^in Gourgaud's 
and Montholon's cases presumably feigned. Though the 
departing Follower dearly wished to say farewell to his 
Master, the Emperor pleaded indisposition and refrained 
from seeing him on the ground that it would have caused 
him ' trop de peine^' whatever that may precisely imply. 
Possibly he foresaw another Northumberland scene, or 

^ L.P., 20,1x6, f. 220. * Journal, i. 251. 


feared an access of jealousy on the Generals' part. The 
deprivation might well have rankled in Piontkowski's 
breast ; that it did not, gives us, I think, the measure 
of his hero-worship. It was one of the little ironies of 
his life that he left Longwood a few hours before the 
Bertrands, who affected him and whose society he most 
valued, moved in from Hutt's Gate. The Grand-Marshal, 
in Gourgaud's words, seemed tout drdle that day ; and 
Madame Bertrand gave the young friend they were losing 
a gold chain — a. no mean present for the Exiles. Gour- 
gaud, not to be outdone in our estimation, apparently, 
tells us that he gave him ' ma boite d thS.' ^ He forgets 
to add the important words ' to transmit to my Mother ' 
— a commission the Pole executed as soon as he landed 
in England. Most of the diarists mention Piontkowski's 
departure. Montchenu deposes that Napoleon * was glad 
to get rid of Biantowski {sic), who was his dme damnec' 
Which is silly enough even for the fantastical Marquis. 
The Equerry was too remote from the Emperor to play 
any such part. O'Meara and Montholon have nothing 
new to say. So let his godspeed be in Stiirmer's selfish 
words to Lowe : ' As for Piontkowski and his companions 
in misfortune, I can but wish them a happy journey, and 
pray Heaven that all that remains of this proscribed race 
may be banished from Earth. It will be the surest way 
of putting an end to the desagriments we suffer every day 
in this abominable exile.'* Which shows that though 
Santini, too, was departing, there would still be left a 
potential assassin at St. Helena. 

The transport made sail for the Cape the same day. A 
little formality had to be gone through (and, incidentally, 
a precedent set) before the Captain and his three com- 
panions were allowed to depart — the search, to wit. 

* Journal, i. 252. * L.P., 20,1x6, f. 240. 


O'Meara tells us they were stripped, but he exaggerates. 
From the Letters we gather they were pretty thoroughly 
* gone over,' and the searcher evidently prided himself 
upon the good job he had made of it : * Agreeable to your 
orders, I searched the baggage and persons of Captain 
Piontkowski and the servants most minutely. Every- 
thing was correct, and no Papers either sealed or other- 
wise were found. The David was under weigh when I 
left, and has now made sail.'^ Alas, that such liberties 
should be taken with a British officer and gentleman ! 
Maybe the ' papers ' were not ' sealed.' But they were 
certainly con-cealed . . . ' or otherwise 'I Santini, for one, 
took away with him the identical copy of Montholon's 
Letter which now figures (minus the first sheet or two) 
in the Wflson Papers, annexed to the Letters.^ It is 
written in St. Denis' hand upon foolscap of 1814-15 
with the E.I.C. watermark, and bears grievous traces of 
the folding, rubbing, tearing, and other ill-usage it was 
subjected to in transit. Wilson has endorsed it : ' Original 
document brought by Mons. Santini from St. Helena. 
This document was put into his hands by Gen. Bertrand ; 
and the Emperor Napoleon commanded Santini if he 
conveyed it safe, which was not expected, to publish it 
either in England or America. The order has been obeyed, 
and England has had an opportunity to vindicate her 
honour.' The passage I have italicized supplies us, I 
think, with the reason for which Piontkowski took the 
trouble — as he with pardonable vanity impresses upon us 
— ^to commit to memory the whole of that lengthy and 
dialectical Protest. We knew pretty certainly already 
that he must have done so, for Gourgaud ' revealed ' the 

^ R. C. Mansel, Capt. 53rd Regiment and D.A.Q.M.G., to 
Lowe, October 19, 1816, L.P., 20,1x6, f. 243. 
* Add. MSS., 30,142, a. 63-67. 

y ' -. - - 


fact ^ and Madame Bertrand confided it to O'Meara,' who 
promptly retailed the * secret ' to Lowe, the latter ap- 
prizing Bathurst of it, with an expression of genuine 
wonder at the astounding accuracy of the Pole's memory.^ 
Then there were other things smuggled. If we may credit 
the remarkable document given in Appendix F — and on 
this particular theme it is, I think, trustworthy — ^Piont- 
kowski took away quite a batch of letters from Napoleon 
to Cambac^rfe, Fouch6, Camot, and Merlin de Douai. 
Santini, in addition, charged himself with other letters 
(? duplicates) for the same persons, and besides, three 
decorations, of the Legion of Honour, the Iron Crown, 
and the Reunion, and finally two locks of hair for Marie- 
Louise and the Duke of Reichstadt. Incidentally, Piont- 
kowski was also entrusted with a lock of Napoleon's hair 
for Capel Loff t — the second gift of the sort made by the 
Emperor to the English jurist.^ Rousseau smuggled a 
map of St. Helena for the American sympathizers ; whilst, 
lastly, Archambault seems to have got away with nothing 
more illicit than a full purse and a clear conscience. The 
quartette, in the David, were in charge of Ensign Croad 
' and his party.' According to Reade's orders, they were 
' not to be considered as prisoners in confinement, but 
only restricted as to their landing or holding communica- 
tion with the shore upon arrival at the Cape.'^ Croad,* 

* L.P., 2o,i2i» f. 272. * Ibid,, 20,119, f. 351. 

' Ibid., f. 371. M. Masson (i. 16) errs, I think, in stating it 
was a letter written on satin that Santini took away. There 
was a copy made on silk or satin, but Santini was relieved of it by 
Cipriani before his departure. 

* N<^s and Queries, V. x. 384. 

* CO., 247. 6. 

* Ensign Croad of the 66th was, like Wardell, of that ilk, or 
Basil Jackson of the R.S.C., one of Lowe's young men and persona 
grata at Plantation. He was entrusted by the Governor on 
sundry occasions with little missions of a third-rate order, such 
as this. He figures chiefly as NichoUs' und^study, just as Fitz- 


in addition, was given verbal instructions by Lowe — 
whose * favourite character in real life ' must certainly 
have been Torquemada, and ' in fiction ' Asmodeus — ^that 
any information he could worm out of Piontkowski on 
the journey, especially as relating to the aSair of the 
Botanist Welle, would be thrice welcome and be accounted 
to him for righteousness. So the young Ensign did his 
best, ' kept a sentry on deck during the whole voyage,' 
and as soon as he reached the Cape wrote ofi to the 
Governor that in the course of the one conversation he 
had had with his chief charge, the latter had declared 
inter alia that St. Helena was assailable,^ that France 
was disaffected, that Napoleon was being half-starved, 
and that Nagle had really drawn him out.' Lowe, 

Gerald was Poppleton's and Jackson Blakeney's. Whilst pre- 
serving a certain self-complacency, which appears in his reports 
to Lowe — ^whereof the style seems modelled upon the Governor's 
own — ^he caught something of the Orderly Officer's nalvet6. As 
Nicholls knew no French (he wished to be relieved on that ground 
as early as April 1, 1819) Croad generally interpreted for him, 
though Bertrand doubted the ability of this ' jeune homme de 
vingt ans ' (L.P., 20,128, f. 35), and would probably have pre- 
ferred Dr. Verling, who volunteered in August, 1819. This, 
written to the A.D.C., seems culled from one of Lowe's own 
meticulous missives : ' I believe the above to be the exact value 
of the French he [Pierron] made use of. I employ the English 
word " Emperor," which is the exact equivalent to the French 
one "Empereur" which he expressed' (L.P., 20,128, f. 16). 
The notion of Croad teaching French on those lines to Gorrequer, 
who, after Balmain, was the best French scholar on the Island, 
is delicious. The young ensign, who was remarkable for pos- 
sessing very gentlemanly manners and did not deserve being 
termed ' un soldato ' by Antommarchi, came into contact with 
Napoleon once or twice ; on one occasion extricating the phaeton 
from some ruts at the gate. The ' General ' cheered his heart 
with a very gracious salute. 

^ In which, apparently, he was of a mind with Lowe. On 
July 9, 1 816, the Governor writes to Bathurst that he considers 
St. Helena by no means impregnable : ' I have ascertained at 
least 23 several points where a landing might be efiEected ' (CO., 
247. 5). * CO., 247. 6. 


besides, indited a long ' private ' letter to Somerset at 
the Cape, dated October 19, in which he posted his fellow- 
Governor up in the latest Piontkowskian personalia (more 
or less veridical), dwelt upon the Nagle incident, and 
wound up with this pregnant passage : ' It is possible, 
when he finds himself cut ofi from all intercourse with 
the persons he has been connected with here, when he 
hears no effort was made to retain him amongst them, 
Piontkowski may abate in some degree from the affection 
he has hitherto borne to General Bonaparte ; may see in 
the French officers who surround him [Napoleon] only so 
many persons who have endeavoured to make an instru- 
ment of him and disowned his proceedings when they 
found he was detected ; and be finally induced to discuss 
many things regarding the Family he has left ; particu- 
larly if the return to Europe is held forth as the condition 
of his disclosures.'^ A Daniel come to judgment! It 
was no friendly hand that penned the foregoing — far from 
it. And yet there stand forth the humble Lancer's dis- 
interested devotion to Napoleon (so often doubted since) 
and the unworthy treatment meted to him by the Long- 
wood Followers (so strongly adumbrated in the Letter s). 
And, might the cynic add, a little piece of Machiavellism 
on Sir Hudson's part to boot ! 

The David reached the Cape on November 10.* Even 
as with Napoleon on the Northumberland^ si parva licetj 
Piontkowski remained two or three days on board pend- 
ing preparations on shore. On the 12th Somerset writes 
to Lowe : ' I shall not fail to attend to the hints con- 
tained in your letter [of October 19, above], and to 
transmit to you any information which Capt. Piont- 
kowski may be inclined to communicate. I have not as 

^ CO., 247. 6. ' Log of Newcastle, Appendix C. 


yet permitted him to land, having thought it expedient 
to place him in Apartments in the Castle here (which 
cannot be prepared before to-morrow), out of which he 
will not be allowed to go without being accompanied by 
an Officer, who is to have charge of him. I have strictly 
forbidden that he should be visited by or have any com- 
munication with any Foreigners, under pain of being 
closely confined. . . . The ist Battalion of the 60th 
Regt. constitutes one-half of our military force here, and 
is composed exclusively of Foreigners who have nearly 
all served under Bonaparte's banner. From this circum- 
stance your Excellency will perceive that an evil-disposed 
person has a fair field here for forwarding his views/^ 
From which His Excellency might also have perceived 
that the Cape was manifestly the very last place to which 
St. Helena malcontents and recalcitrants should have been 
sent. That he blinked the fact is shown by his deporta- 
tion thither of various persons during the next four years, 
including Las Cases and Gentilini. 

Of Piontkowski's stay at the Cape there is little to say ; 
it was so very brief — p. mere three or four weeks. That 
he was well treated appears from the grateful expressions 
in his letter to Bathurst* on his return to England ; and 
that he behaved himself and gave no trouble is certified 
by Somerset's note to Lowe of November 28 : ' Nothing 
has transpired during their residence here.'* One col- 
lateral circumstance, however, has its importance, and it 
is this : The Davidj on its arrival at its destination, found 
the flagship Newcastle at anchor in the Bay ; and, though 
Piontkowski had no opportunity to renew his acquain- 
tance with Malcolm, seeing that he was only allowed to 
land on the 13th, the day of the Admiral's sailing for St. 

» L.P.. 20,117, f. 21. * See p. 154. * CO., 247. 6. 


Helena, yet his detention formed the subject of an im- 
portant consultation between Lord Charles and Sir Pul- 
teney, the upshot of which was that purely at the latter's 
suggestion the Governor of the Cape decided to repatriate 
his four charges very soon, and embark them for England 
' on a private vessel not touching at St. Helena.'^ Fail- 
ing such vessel, Malcolm proposed a man-of-war ; and a 
few days after his departure Somerset approached Cap- 
tain Cochrane, of the Orontes, and the latter agreed to 
take Piontkowski and the others, the date of sailing being 
fixed at December 3, though it was shifted later to the 
8th. This joint action on the part of the naval and 
military powers at the Cape proved extremely distasteful 
to Lowe, who was more than surprised at it, as he had 
confidently expected that the four men he had just 
deported would have had a ' moral quarantine ' of some 
six months or so imposed upon them ere they were allowed 
the opportunity for political activity in Europe or 
America. This, he must doubtless have reflected, would 
create an excellent precedent, and might even prove a 
deterrent to intending mischief-makers on the Island. So 
that this ' officious interference ' of Malcolm's and this 
' disposition to intermeddle ' (as Lowe termed it),* re- 
peated as it was in the case of Las Cases' repatriation a 
little later,* fostered the resentment which had ere now 
been bom in the Governor's breast against the Admiral. 
One does not quite see what Lowe wanted, and why 
Malcolm couldn't be allowed freedom of action in the 
matter ; for the former deliberately washed his hands of 
the foreigners as soon as they left St. Helena ; and yet 
still pretended to the chief voice as to their future move- 
ments — ^which strikes one as unreasonable. In Las Cases' 

* L.P., 20,118, f. 425. * L.P., 20,125, f. 67V, 

» L.P., 20,118, £. 27. 


case, for instance^ he vmtes to Bathurst : ' From the time 
of Ct. Las Cases' departure from this Island I consider 
myself to have no further relation with him ';^ and yet 
informs Malcolm that he ' wants to be consulted ' as to 
his return to France,* and later, on June 6, 1817, he 
complains to the State Secretary of Sir Pulteney's con- 
duct in offering a vessel to Somerset unknown to himself.^ 
This * collusion ' between Malcolm and Somerset at the 
Cape was one of the three chief counts in the misunder- 
standing (as Forsyth mildly calls it)^ between Lowe and 
the Naval Commander ; and as it was Piontkowski who 
first gave rise to it, I may be allowed a digression upon 
this noted ' coolness,' which was so much exploited on 
both sides, and about which Lowe's apologist has, for an 
obvious reason, so very little to say. 

Forsyth, writing in 1853, confesses that he is rather 
puzzled by it, its ' precise origin being difficult to dis- 
cover/ Stiirmer's editors comment : * Forsyth is wrong 
in supposing that it woidd be hard to know to what the 
coolness between Lowe and Malcolm could be attributed. 
Malcolm several times offered to act as intermediary 
between Naploeon and Lowe.^ Lowe took umbrage at 
the sympathy Napoleon showed to Malcolm, and this was 
enough to embroil the two men who up to that time had 
been almost friends.'* True enough, but very incompre- 

1 L.P., 20,118, f. 65 ; ibid,, L 117. * L.P., 20,118, f. 234. 

* L.P., 20,118, f. 449. * ii. 167. 

* Malcolm ofiered his mediation not only between Lowe and 
Napoleon bnt also between Lowe and Balmain^ whom he volmi- 
teered to speak to and in Sir Hudson's interest point out the 
inadvisability of his meetings with Gonrgaud and the other 
Followers. As in the former case, the Governor refused Malcolm's 
kindly offices though quite awake to the advantages that would 
accme therefrom to him. Thus did he cut oft his nose to spite 
his face and let jealousy override judgment, lest the Admiral 
should by a successful stroke of diplomacy acquire a Httle official 
prestige. (L.P., 20,1 18« f. 364.) « P. 252. 


hensive. Other writers have told us it sprang from that 
great scene o£ August i8, 1816— Napoleon's last interview 
with Lowe — ^^Kduch is nearer the mark, but still not all- 
embracing. Lady Malcolm gave all the main lines, but 
suppressed much of the filling. As we know, there were 
three grounds in chief — (i) the Last Interview, (2) the 
repatriation of Piontkowski and Las Cases, (3) the Cape 
Contracts. As regards the first, you remember the cir- 
cumstances. Lowe and Malcolm had caUed upon 
Napoleon and were received on the lawn in front of the 
house. The three walked up and down the whole time, 
whilst a humbler trio, Las Cases, Gorrequer, and Madame 
de Montholon, kept at a respectful distance. The Em- 
peror seized the occasion to make a bitter personal attack 
upon the Governor, which he regretted subsequently, and 
which was aggravated at the time by the fact that Lowe's 
presence was ignored and the invective about ' him ' and 
' his ' conduct addressed to the Admiral : it was not so 
much what the Emperor said» as the way he said it. 
Doubtless it was an unconscious echo of the old Imperial 
manner. It was part of Napoleon's system when in 
power never to rate an offender except in the presence 
of others, the more numerous and less familiar the better. 
This was soimd policy : for the angry words were noised 
far and wide, and a dozen transgressors besides, all per- 
haps equally deserving of censure, had the ' fear of God ' 
vicariously struck into their hearts, and mended their 
ways in the sight of their master. Thus did one terrible 
seine save a score — ^to the busiest man of his day. It 
was, I think, this old ' gallery ' spirit that awoke on the 
i8th, though reaUy quite inadmissible in the circum- 
stances. Had Lowe and the Emperor been alone, the 
tSte-i-tfite might have been very diilerent. But Malcolm 
it was, the pleasant, sympathique, restful familiar of 


Longwood, who paradoxally caused the outburst ; for 
he made it objectively worth while to Napoleon. He was 
the flint upon which that steely Intellect struck its spark, 
and Lowe, as the shrivelled tinder, could never forgive 
him in consequence. As the two Englishmen came away, 
what private umbrage the Governor had from the first 
taken at the Admiral's popularity with the late Master of 
Europe must, I fancy, have been entirely outweighed by 
the mortification of knowing that in a spot where Service 
jealousy was so rife, the humiliation of the Army had been 
witnessed by the Navy. This of course does not appear 
in Fors3rth ; but so little of the undercurrent ever does. 
Malcolm, on his side, may have derived a little cynical 
satisfaction from the process, and have looked upon it 
as a small compensation for the petty ' supervision ' that 
he and his Captains were subjected to at the hands of 
the Army, in the person of Reade.^ Then there were the 
other things. Judging by the tiresome length at which 
the second grievance was repeatedly ventilated by Lowe 
in his letters to Malcolm and Somerset, and his despatches 
to Bathurst during the spring and summer of 1817, one 
gathers that the question of the Orontes and the vessel 
destined for Las Cases — ^it never got so far as the actual 
name — ^became a very sore one with the Governor. One 
single period to Bathurst is a fair specimen : ' I was 
further urged to make an inquiry on this point [Las Cases' 
repatriation], as I had felt a considerable degree of dis- 
appointment on finding that Captain Piontkowski, who 
had been ordered away from the Island, and with respect 
to whom I had written in a very particular manner to 
Lord Charles Somerset, suggesting the propriety of his 

^ E,g. : ' Stanfell has been closeted with the Admiral since 
8 o'c. this morning, and still remains with him. I suppose he is 
telling him everything ' (Reade to Lowe, L.P., 20,118, f. 222). 


not being immediately permitted to return to England, 
had come back very suddenly here with the persons who 
had been sent away with him, which had a very unfavour- 
able influence in many ways, and as Sir Pulteney Malcolm 
on his return here from the Cape, where he happened to 
be when Captain Piontkowski arrived there, had ac- 
quainted me that he had recommended Lord Charles 
Somerset to send him home in a private ship which would 
not touch at this Island, though, as he himself expressed 
to me at the time, he did not expect he would have re- 
moved him quite so soon, and as the whole of this opinion 
was without reference to mine, and without the knowledge 
of what I might have written to Lord Charles Somerset 
on this occasion.'^ Phew ! what a sentence : in which the 
Governor flounders blindly— or at most single-/'^ — 
amongst three several he's and three separate 05'^ / I 
leave it to Smith minor to analyze, and pass on to the 
third grievance. The question of the Cape Contracts was 
tedious, technical, and complicated, affecting on the one 
hand the St. Helena storekeepers, like Balcombe, Carr, 
Carroll, Solomon, and Fowler, and on the other the Cape- 
town dealers, middlemen, and merchant Captains, like 
Harrington, Luson, Rose, Heathom, and the rest. In a 
nutshell it came to this : that Lowe objected to Malcolm's 
devoting too large a proportion of the available tonnage 
of the naval store-ships, transports, and tenders to the 
fulfilment of private contracts on the Island and too 
little for the use of Government and officialdom generally.^ 
Though Malcolm had a perfect right to allocate his space 
as he chose, and was only following the precedent set by 
Cockbum, and later clung to traditionally by Plampin 
himself (much to Reade's annoyance),^ yet, from the 

* L.P., 20,118, f. 449. * L.P., 20,125, ^- 66. 

* L.P., 20,207, ^* ^^46. 


point of view of the public good, Lowe was justified in 
demurring, and was only, in a way, reviving an old 
St. Helena ordinance of 1809 which had fallen into 
desuetude at Napoleon's arrival.^ The whole matter is 
dealt with very fully in Lowe's lengthy despatch to 
Bathurst of November 20, 1819, and need detain us no 

In addition to the forgoing and to the many subsidiary 
points of difference, some of quite a feline nature — ^like 
those of Balcombe's hospitalities to the Admiral and his 
Captains, and Malcolm's refusal of a pass to Rainsford, 
though bearer of papers from the Governor* — Lowe could 
never quite agree to the Naval Commander-in-Chief's 
interpretation of his Instructions and always suspected 
some subtle undermining by the Navy of his own military 
and carcerary prerogatives. His pet stalking-horse was 
the ' Dual Conunand and Single Responsibility,' which in 
despatches often goes tandem with that other hippopo- 
tamian, or Af ^o-potamian, formula, ' Unity of Opinion 
and Unity of Action.' In theory, perhaps, the blessed 
thing was so ; but Malcolm was no theorist, and saw what 
practical contingencies might arise and how deeply they 
might affect him. He never stomached that * singleness ' 

^ On the arrival of vessels with cargo for sale, the right of 
purchase rested, firstly with the Government, secondly with 
Government servants and landowners, and thirdly — after three 
days — ^with shopkeepers (Si. Helena Records, October 23, 1809). 

^ L.P., 20,128, fi. 397-402. Harrington supplies the comical 
note. Though only a third-rate British merchant-skipper, 
pitchforked into a general agency for St. Helena, he happened 
also to be Russian Vice-Consul at the Cape. When Lowe brings 
up his name, he takes refuge behind his diplomatic inviolability, 
and does his best to drag Balmain into the quarrel. The Russian 
Commissioner, who had enough grounds of dispute with Lowe on 
his own account, failed to see the matter from quite so elevated 
a standpoint (L.P., 20,126, f. 412). 

• L.P., 20,207, f . 36. 


of Lowe's.^ Why should he ? If in some extraordinary 
circumstance, such as the panic of a great earthquake- 
there were two minor shocks felt during the Captivity — 
Napoleon had contrived to cheat all Lowe's pickets and 
soldiery, and boarded a friendly vessel — one East India 
Company's Captain offered his — ^and that ship had been 
allowed to sail away by the cruisers, who, in the familiar 
phrase, would have been hanged ? Malcolm most 
assuredly. Or if that plot, given in all its details in 
Appendix F, had succeeded, the Admiral would have 
incurred equal odium and equal penalties with the 
Governor. So that when Lowe, whose Pooh-Bah func- 
tions gave him the Pooh-Bah hauteur — ^if he couldn't get 
at his man qua Military Commander, he did it as Civil 
Governor, or as King's Officer, or even as Chairman of 
the Island Council — ^let Malcolm feel that he and he only 
counted in the Custodianship, small wonder that the 
Admiral took umbrage and that the voUejdng epistles 
became more acrid as they became more frequent. It 
is amusing as well as instructive to note their progress. 
Though Lowe opens his battery with that letter, ' of an 
improper tenor' as Malcolm thought it, as early as 
November 23, 1816, things did not really ' hum ' till the 
following March, when * My dear Sir ' is already yielding 
to a curt ' Sir.' On the 26th, Lowe, in his second letter 
that day, with an assumption of innocence puts out a 
feeler : ' My communications to Lord Charles Somerset 
failed in a certain degree of their effect, from some par- 
ticular causes with which I am imacquainted, in respect 
of Captain Piontkowiski.'* The Admiral replies in time 
for the Governor to despatch him a third letter ere night- 

' In 1820, probably under Plampin's influence, Lowe abated a 
trifle, and granted the Admiral in theory and in practice a ' share ' 
of responsibility (L.P., 20,130, f. 390). 

* L.P„ 20,118, f. 236. 


fall, in which he wants to know all that Malcolm had said 
to Somerset : ' My reference to Capt. Piontkowski was 
not so much to his embarkation on board the Orantes as 
to his being immediately sent to England.'^ The Admiral 
answers in the few lines habitual with him. On the 27th, 
Lowe acidulates : ' 1 can only regret that he [Somerset] 
should have received any communication, official or 
private, from a person of your high rank on the Station 
on a subject of such delicacy as that of Ct. Las Cases' 
eventual removal.'' On the 31st, Lowe ergotizes and 
rebuts the analogy Malcolm had drawn between the cases 
of Piontkowski and Las Cases.^ On April 3, Gorrequer 
plays first fiddle — ^both Rea<fe and Brooke took up the 
running as well before the poor single-handed sailor had 
departed — ^and, as A.D.C., interviews the Admiral at 
great length, retracing the whole controversial ground of 
the past few months. In reply, Sir Pulteney ' deprecates 
such long correspondence ; cavilling was not in his nature ; 
he was no lawyer {sic), but frank and open, and would 
always be so ; he was hurt by the formal long letters of 
the Governor without previous word.'* And he writes 
himself to Lowe : ' As I am desirous that this disagree- 
able correspondence should end, I have confined myself 
to those [points] I consider the most essential.''^ Poor 
Malcolm again ! End ? Alas ! the Governor was only 
just getting into his proper stride, just finding that terrible 
' second wind ' of his, which finally blew the Newcastle 
right out of the Station, for the bombardment was kept 
up by sloops and whalers till the flagship was well past 
the Line on her homeward way. Oh, that correspond- 
ence of Lowe's 1 Those lucubrations of Gorrequer's ! 
That everlasting fatras d' Serifs, as the Captive scornfully 

1 L.P., 20, 118, f. 237. * Ibid,, f. 243. * Ibid., t 271. 

* Ibid., t 286. • CO., 247. 9. 



termed it ! How it swamped them all, French and 
English, Austrian and Russian alike, with its ridiculous 
red-tape, its endless repetitions, its minute particulars, 
its particular minutes, its unworthy innuendoes, its verbal 
hair-splitting,^ its clerical triplications, and its confidential 

^ Of Lowe's turn for playing with words and phrases — ^though 
never upon them — ^there are many instancy, some highly amusing. 
His Orderly Of&cers, we have seen, were not stylists ; jret their 
epithets are critically assessed for Bathurst's benefit : ' Between 
deadly and ghastly [in Lutyens' reports] there can be little differ- 
ence. Gen. Bonaparte's face can hardly be any paler than when 
I last saw it ' (L.P., 20,132, f. 56). When Montchenu joins in, 
the thing becomes quite farcical : ' The Marquis conunented on 
my using the term " fils de Marie Louise " instead of " fils de 
Napol6on " in my note to him. I said it appeared to me more 
suitable to call him [the King of Rome] by that name than that 
of the " son of Napoleon." " Mais il n'est fils ni de I'un ni de 
Tautre, comme je vous ai dit," added the Marquis. " Je me 
souviens bien," I replied, " de ce que vous m'avez dit 14-dessus." 
In reference to this observation of the Marquis, it is proper to 
observe that he holds to the opinion that the Child called Napo- 
leon is not the natural-born son of Arch-Dutchess Maria-Louisa 
and Napoleon Bonaparte, but the child of some other person 
procured for the occasion and introduced into the bed of the 
Arch-Dutchess at the time of her reported delivery, and he has 
frequently assured me with much confidence that he knows the 
fact to be so ' (Lowe to Bathurst, L.P.» 20,132, f. 11). 

Or take this sidehght on the Stokoe case. Bathurst writes 
that at O'Meara's removal Baxter had better replace him, but if 
the ' General ' objects to him, ' let him select some other medical 
man on the Island.' Partial to naval surgeons, Napoleon chooses 
Stokoe, of the flagship Conqueror, then permanently at anchor 
in the Roads, liampin himself being installed at Briars for his 
three years. Lowe goes ofE grumbling to the two Commissioners 
and complains of the Emperor's choice on the ground that Stokoe 
is really not on the Island but off it t In the very ne«± breath 
he tells them that Stokoe's second most important duty is attend- 
ing the hospital at Lemon VaUey, where a house had been ex« 
pressly built for the surgeon (L.P., 20,125, f. 198). Lowe, who 
at times lapsed into rather dubious cricket, was not so particular 
about the ' on ' and the ' ofi ' if it suited his purpose. When the 
Rev. Mr. Boys returns to St. Helena after his Wanderfahr in two 
hemispheres and another twelvemonth in England [where Sir 
Hudson has suspected him of abetting with Holmes and Balcombe 
O'Meara's designs, and with Malcolm and Parry a supposed 
cabal against him in the Court of Directors — ^Boys clears himself 


postscripts. Malcolm hated it, Napoleon despised it» the 
CommissioneTS loathed it, even Bathuist was bored by it.^ 

to Reade in a short straightforward letter which is convincing 
(L.Pm 20,130, f. 282), and writes a ' seven-sheeter ' to Lowe, which 
the latter scouts as ' presumptuous ' (L.P., 20,133, f. 383)] the 
Governor spitefully deprives the Senior Chaplain of some of his 
former duties and prerogatives in favour of his junior, Vernon, 
and especially of his confr^e, Sampson, on that same Conqueror. 
When Boys calls on Reade, the fidus Achates ostentatiously 
refuses his proffered hand (L.P., 20,130, f. 144). The worthy 
pastor, whose humanity was as pronounced as his independence, 
and who was ever in the forefront when the welfare of the lower 
orders was at stake, was well quit of the brutal D.A.G.» and 
probably regretted he had not retained the snufi-box Napoleon 
sent him for burying Cipriani. Though the Morning ChronicU 
(November 12, 1818) erred in crediting him with the abolition 
of the slave-trade at St. Helena, yet he had for years agitated 
to that end and had prepared men's minds to accept the proposal 
when made by Lowe. The example, one notes, was very soon 
after followed by ' Radama, King of Madagascar,' whose en- 
lightened and xenophil Proclamation figures in the Pa|rers 
(20,131, f. 116). Of course Boys' tribulations began when he 
stood up on the Sabbath and preached against Plampin's minage, 
Lowe thought, at Lady Malcolm's suggestion (L.P., 20,122, f. 50). 
The militant cleric, who was ever prone to run a tilt by word or 
pen (he conducted the St. Helena Register) against the powers 
that were, and was cordially hated in consequence by Secretary 
Brooke and the other M.C.'s, that day entered the Black Liste 
of Plantation House and became at a bound a suspect di prima 
cartello. There is a cryptic note of Reade to Gorrequer in reply 
to some query of the latter as to a sermon — I surmise on the 
above occasion. The text was from Titus iii. 4-7, and the 
preacher introduced the third verse with effect : ' For we ourselves 
also were sometimes foolish, disobedient, deceived, serving divers 
lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy, hateful and hating 
one another ' (L.P., 20,131, f. 371). Boys, whose luck in the 
pulpit seems to have been the fors clavigera (most times a ' key ' 
and always a ' club ' 1), treated Lowe and his set to a farewell 
fulmination as they were leaving the Island, witness this 
entry in the St. Helena Records : 

' July 9, 1 82 1. Governor's minutes on Mr. Boys' sermon 
preached from text, " Pubhcans and harlots go into the Kingdom 
of Heaven before you " {sic) ; a sermon reflecting rudely upon the 
upper classes of Society. Mr. B. is requested to send a copy of 
his sermon for perusal. Mr. B. refuses.' 

^ As Lowe himself surmised : ' My correspondence must, I 
fear, prove very tiresome to Earl Bathurst. ... I hardly consider 


It seemed the be-all and end-all of its author's existence, 
the very breath of his nost^ls. Had St. Helena sunk 
beneath the waves in some such fiery cataclysm as 
originally brought it into being, ^ and the Governor 
remained stranded in soUtary state on Halley's Mount 

myself at liberty to use any discretion as to retrenchment in 
my details, and have abui\ dance still before me for future occa- 
sions ' (L.P., 20,121, f. 433); 'The voluminous details which 
accompany this letter will, I fear, afford yr. Lordship a tiresome 
subject of perusal ' (L.P., 20,124, f. 87). 

^ Whether their native Rock was the last vestige of some 
great submerged Atlantis, or the basaltic belching of a submarine 
volcano, was perhaps the pet question debated amongst the 
more zetetic ' Yamstocks,' headed by Dr. Kay. Fors3rth inclined 
to the former theory, while most of the men he wrote of favoured 
the latter. An interesting sidelight upon the rather ejfaci Abb6 
Buonavita is afforded us by certain letters he indited to his 
friend Perez at Rome during the summer of 1820, which are 
mostly copied in the Lowe Papers. He there appears to us as 
a man of once greater parts than the sneering Montholon would 
have us believe, and his knowledge of geology is of a high order. 
One epistle he pens ' come naturalista,' and starting with the 
premiss that St. Helena is ' un prodotto d' un Volcano subma- 
rino ; la sua forma un cono troncato irregolarmente« e noi siamo 
nella sommitii,' he goes on to prove in a very technical strain 
various natural facts that follow, and scouts the contention that 
the island is the residuum of a submerged Continent, ' as some 
have pretended ' (L.P., 20,204, f. 133). But for all its physio- 
graphical fascinations, St. Helena was more than the old padre 
could stand, and had he not hurried off in the Otwell, he, too, 
might have been left in sections in his ' truncated cone.' He 
was fast lapsing into senile decay, and was at the end unequal to 
even the simple duties expected of him. Gorrequer's picture of 
his plight is pitiable : ' The Abb6 observed he was upwards of 
68 3rears of age ; said he was losing his faculties, his memory, 
his appetite ; that his lower extremities were always cold and his 
head in a violent heat, the blood frequently rushing up to it 
with such force as if it would spout out of his eyes, nose, mouth, 
and ears ... he had a dizziness in the head (giramento di capo) 
as if about to fall. . . . When he sat down to table the vapours 
mounted up from his stomach to his head and he felt unable to 
swallow a mouthful ' (L.P., 20,132, f. 42). When Dr. Living- 
stone all but died of apoplexy (L.P., 20,128, f. 423) it is a marvel 
Buonavita did not succumb entirely. There must have been 
something in both their names. 


or Diana's Pinnacle, why, Lowe would have dictated a 
despatch to Hudson, and Hudson had it signed and 
sealed by Lowe I And so it goes on through April and 
May into June, and as the Governor is about to lose his 
antagonist he redoubles in acerbity. He wants to know 
what Napoleon has said to the Admiral in the last long 
conversation of June 19, and the latter humours him very 
fully, where he might easily have sent him away with a 
flea in his ear. Lowe answers on the 21st : * Some of the 
observations [of Napoleon], I have reason^ to believe, 
were expressed with much more violence and embraced a 
greater variety of remarks than what your note has con- 
veyed to me,'^ and so forth. And that's the thanks Sir 
Pulteney gets ! The next day, June 22, he rejoins with 
dignity : ' You may certainly prevent my visits to Long- 
wood, but whilst I have the honour to hold my present 
command I must act in everything according to my own 
judgment. Whatever impressions may be in your mind 
and however much I may regret our difference of opinion, 
I feel satisfied my conduct on this and on every other 
occasion has been actuated by a sincere desire to promote 
the public good.'^ Alas» that Malcolm should have to 
defend himself thus to Lowe ! The latter turns nasty 
and on June 24 retorts : * You have. Sir, seen my authority 
and instructions. I have never seen youis. I am not 
aware in what respect the public service has been benefited 
by your visits to General Bonaparte.'^ And Malcolm, in 
disgust, frankly tells Lowe : ' Your style of writing to me 
for a considerable time past has been so repugnant,' etc.'^ 

^ A garbled version obtained at second or third hand from 
Captain Jenkins Jones of .the Julia, who was waiting with Captain 
Wright in the next room during nearly the whole of the inter- 
view (Meynell's Canversaiions, 191 1, p. 61). 

* L.P., 20,118, f. 482. 3 Ibid., f. 485. 

* Ibid., f. 492. • Ibid., f. 5x1. 


All this is what the euphemistic Forsyth terms 'no 
quarrel, but an interruption of the cordial relations '! ^ 
When, on July 4, Malcolm boarded his flagship homeward 
bound, he must, I fancy, have allowed two sighs to escape 
him : one of relief that he was at last shut of Sir Hudson, 
and one of regret that a greater than he could not ex- 
perience that surcease. Upon landing in England he 
must have told Bathurst a few very plain truths that 
carried conviction, for when the voluminous packet Lowe 

' For how long ? One would logically assume that the 
' cordial relations ' were renewed, and that with the Admiral's 
departure the Governor gracefully agreed to let bygones be 
bygones. That was not Lowe's nature. Even more remarkable 
than his talent for quarrelling with everybody (save Reade and 
Gorrequer) was his aptitude for hounding people who had passed 
out of his ken. You remember he tried to break Poppleton, 
freshly landed in England and proud of his new majority, for 
accepting a snuff-box — till Bathurst snubbed him for his pains 
(L.Pm 20,124, ^' 232)* Here Malcolm becomes his King Charles' 
head, and that to the end of the Captivity. Whoever the wretch 
incurs his displeasure, whichever the criminal he pillories in 
despatches — Balcombe or Boys, Holmes or O'Meara, Solomon 
or Cole, Carroll or Harrington — the Governor is pretty sure to 
drag in Malcolm by the scruff of the neck and have everything 
originate with him. Especially does he bracket him with Bal- 
combe — on Walker's principle, no doubt. The purveyor, we 
know, occasionally entertained naval officers ; whence, according 
to the Governor, his misdeeds are due to his being ' elevated by 
the Admiral's attentions' (L.P., 20,121, f. 232). Sir Pulteney 
is no sooner in England than Lowe suspects him of plotting 
against him, for any outspoken criticism of his actions is neces- 
sarily to him a ' cabal ' or a ' plot.' Three whole years after, 
during his misunderstanding with the Court of Directors, Lowe 
is still harping. ' I am justified in ascribing many false im- 
pressions entertained respecting this Island to Sir Pulteney 
Malcolm. ... An officer on Lord Charles Somerset's staff said 
to Sir Thomas Reade : " You can form no idea of the harm and 
mischief the conversation of these persons (sic) did you whilst 
they were at the Cape " ' (Lowe to Bathurst, June 6, 1820, L.P., 
20,130, f. 102). That settles it, of course : the Navy judged by 
the Army with a Reade for deponent, is bound to be Gospel ! 
What Malcolm thought of all this, and what retaliation he threat- 
ened, we have already seen (p. 29, note). 


had announced he was sending reached Downing Street, 
with all the grievances set forth in detail, and the fair 
copies of the great correspondence made out in extenso, 
you remember his lordship consigned it unread to a 
drawer.^ He gives Lowe quite another reason for his 
action. I venture to think that this was a piece of very 
pardonable 'diplomacy/ and that he was letting his agent 
down easily. Had Sir Pulteney really never opened his 
mouth, Bathurst would have unsealed the packet to learn 
what all the quarrel referred to could possibly have been 

But let us return to our wethers. 

On December 9, 1816, the OrotUes sailed from the Cape 
with Piontkowski and the three servants on board. There 
was no longer any suggestion of supervision and the Pole 
was treated as any passenger might be and messed with 
the officers of the ship.^ The only reminder of the David 
was that, on this occasion, too, the first Lieutenant, acting 
on Somerset's instructions for the benefit of Lowe, tried 
to ' draw ' Piontkowski on the hidden details of the Welle 
affair :^ his success was no greater than Croad's. To 
the regret of both Governors, the Orontes, for Service pur- 
poses, had to touch at St. Helena, which was reached on 
December 18. Its arrival was expected, and the day 
before, Reade, whose department controlled the relations 
of all ships with the shore, had determined to isolate the 
vessel and had written to Lowe : ' It will require great 
caution to prevent communication with them when they 
arrive.'^ Malcolm agreed, and gave instructions to the 

* Forsyth, ii. 412. 

' ' Le Colonel Piontkowski mangeait avec r^tat-major de 
VOronies ' (Santini. 1854, p. 270). 

* L.P., 20,1x7, f" ^^' 
^ L.P.t 2o,xx6, f. 326. 


same effect on the i8th/ and the Log shows that guard- 
boats \rare kept all night rowing ronnd the frigate. In 
view of which, the efforts made by all the four to get into 
touch with Longwood were rather pathetic. Piontkowski 
wrote as follows to Reade : ' OrotUes, Dec. 20th, 1816. — I 
take the liberty of praying you to back my request to 
H.E. the Governor to obtain permission to land at St. 
Helena under guard of an officer in order to buy several 
things I need.'' Given the escort, one hardly sees why 
this request to go shopping should have been refused. 
Santini, too, applied to the D.A.G., frankly for the pur- 
pose of 'seeing his comrades/ and his letter (misdated 
21 ' 9bre ' for * lobre '), written in rather faulty Italian,^ 
was taken subsequently as a criterion by Lowe when con- 
fronted with the soi'disatU Santini brochure of March, 
1817.^ Rousseau and Archambault made similar appli- 
cations, and for some reason or other the restriction laid 
down by Reade but two or three days before was relaxed 
as a favour to the last-named, and Archambault cadet, 
the piqueur at Longwood, was allowed to visit the Orontes 
and speak with his brother. Which interview conduced 
to a little gossip, if nothing more, and the groom came 
back to his Master with simdry stories of the Cape which 
must be taken with a large grain of salt. And here Gour- 
gaud places a puzzling passage.^ He tells us that Arch- 
ambault, on his return from the ship, related that * au 
Cap on avait £t6 oblig6 de serrer Piontkowski ; ' which can 
only mean that * one ' — i.e., the authorities — had been 
obliged to ' confine ' or ' restrain ' the Pole. Nothing of 
the sort occurred, as we know. I submit to Gouigaud's 
Editors® that they have misread his manuscript, and 

* L.P., 20,117, f. 230. * L.P., 20,117, f. 268. 
' L.P., 20,117, f. 36. * CO., 247. 9. • Journal, i. 335. 

* Gonrgaad's Editors pique themselves upon having corrected 
many errors of the Diarist's, especially in the matter of English 


that the verb he wrote was servir ; that is, that ' they ' — 
i.e., the three servants — ^had been compelled to wait upon 
Piontkowski qua officer, much to their disgust as ex- 
Imperial domestics. In support whereof I adduce this 
letter from Reade to Lowe of December 20 : ' I have been 
on board the Orontes, and have seen Santini, whose only 

proper names. It is a pity they did not make the process more 
thorough by the simple expedient of glancing through O'Meara's 
or even Forsyth's Index. One can pass over ' Dewton ' for 
'Doveton/ 'Glower' for 'Glover/ 'Hudson' for ' Hodson/ 
' Dobjins ' for ' Dodgin/ ' Teague ' for ' Theed/ ' Gorey ' for 
' Gorrequer/ ' Chucks ' for ' Brooks/ ' Penn ' for ' Payne/ 
' London ' for ' Loudoun/ etc., etc. [By ' Monsieur de London ' 
(i. 180) Gourgaud presumably meant Lord Moira's son. Seeing 
what ' Monsieur de Paris ' connotes to a Frenchman, the Captive, 
if he ever heard his A.D.C.'s expression, must have thought that 
at last Bathurst had sent out his executioner 1] But there is 
no excuse for ' Devil's Church Bowl/ with its sacrilegious sug- 
gestion ; nor for ' k Tiphaine ' and ' k Tissan ' (at tiffen), which 
many a poor Frenchman may have sought for in vain on the 
map. ' Sir Bingham ' and the like one hardly expects, too» 
£rom the Vicomte de Grouchy. Noblesse oblige — at least to a 
' Whitaker ' 1 And why trouble to enumerate the ships of a 
squadron (i. 51) when half of those you name were not there ? 
It little signifies how a few stray St. Helena ' Recollections/ or 
' Conversations,' or ' Letters ' are edited ; but in the case of a 
work of the cardinal importance of the Journal one expects a 
high standard, and Gourgaud's Editors were miserably inept. 
I should not make these remarks but for their self-righteousness. 
When the Diarist mentions the notorious Cobbett (ii. 177) they give 
us a fatuous footnote in which they confuse Cobbett with Torbett 
of St. Helena and make out that the latter was really CorbeU, 
though some misguided individuals have spelt it with a ' T ' or 
even an ' F.' I need not say that ' Corbett ' is wrong. The 
only bearer of the name who flits across the stage is a midshipman 
of the Conqueror {Plampin's Journal, April 6, 1820). The man's 
name was Richard Torbett. He was an elderly merchant in 
Jamestown — ^Lowe calls him ' a respectable shopkeeper/ He 
sold, amongst other things, Turkey carpets to Longwood ; and 
supplied Napoleon with his two bottles of water a day from his 
own pellucid spring. He and one of his four sons (a subaltern 
in the Island Regiment, who died of apoplexy in 1820) figure as 
subscribers to Barnes' Tour, He paid one visit to England. He 
lived next to Dr. Kay in a ' pleasant cottage ' in the Valley of 


object in writing to you was for permission to see the 
servants at Longwood. The "thing he had to com- 
municate to Your Excellency'' was his iU-treatment 
during his stay at the Cape. He says they treated him 
as if he was a cattivo si^geUo (bad lot) and forced him 
to attend Piontkowsld as a servant, which he did not 

the Geraniums, within or without the Limits according to period ; 
in the vicinity therefore of Reade (Alarm Hoose), Ibbetson 
(Hntt's Gate), Harrison (ibid.), Brooke (Country House). 
Plampin (Briars), and Hodson (the Bungalow). As these could 
each and all keep an eye on him, he naturally became one of 
Lowe's suspects (Appendix £). Like Legg, Mason, Robinson 
and others, he received a visit from the Emperor in Cockbum's 
day. We have his evidence on oath in the case of Las Cases' 
servant, James Scott (CO., 247. 6) ; and one or two things besides. 
Lastly, it was in his freehold, ' beneaih the willows by the little 
fountain,' that the great Captain was inhumed — ^the epilogue 
being that, on Octobo: 25, 1824, Torbett writes to Lowe claiming 
compensation from the British Government, who have stopped 
him from levying a toll to the Tomb, on the ground of injury 
done to his property (L.P., 20,233, ^* ^3^)' ^ suppose the mat- 
monger didn't mean it, but really that was the limit 1 Lowe's 
pale beside it 1 But the Board of Arbitration took it his way 
and awarded the claimant ;(650 cash down and £50 a year for the 
time the body remained. That Torbett commuted in 1826, 
giving a receipt in full of all demands for ;fi,20b {St. Helena 
Records), A manuscript copy of that receipt, dated April 10, is 
bound up with Lockwood's mock-heroic Giiide to St, Helena at 
the British Museum, along with a lot of other interesting matter. 
Torbett died apparently in the later ' thirties,' and 

' Resigned unto the Heav'nly Will, 
His Widow ' — ^watched Napoleon still ; 

for in 1840, at the time of the Translation, she was granted by 
the Prince de JoinviUe on behalf of the French Government a 
small life-pension ; and in 1852 we find her ' still deriving profit 
from the empty Tomb.' AU those years she kept a Visitors' 
Book. One entry suffices — by the skipper of the Henderson 

' Captain Tweedie and his Party 
Came to the Tomb of Bounopart6.' 

Which French rime doubtless was intended as a compliment 
to the great dead I 


like; being, as he says, just as good a man and as old a 
soldier as Piontkowski/ ^ Very possibly ; but men are 
primarily assessed by their present status and not by 
their years of service or their recondite virtues, and you 
cannot blame Somerset for drawing a distinction between 
Piontkowski, Chef d'escadron and late Equerry at Long- 
wood, and Santini the usher, d-devant cobbler, tailor, 
and barber to the Exiles in one. During the Orontes' stay 
in the Roads no special effort seems to have been made 
by the French at Longwood to get into touch with their 
former comrades, though Napoleon sent them a gift of 
fresh provisions, possibly as a set-off to the two boxes of 
Cape oranges they had brought. On the afternoon of 
December 30, they might have seen Las Cases and his son 
on the Griffin, {proceeding to the very spot they had just 
quitted, and for a much longer spell— one wonders if the 
officers had the grace to point out that coincidence — ^and 
at last, on January 3, 1817, they set sail once more for 
England. Needless to say, Somerset's naif expectation 
had not been fulfilled : ' I had hoped that the OronUs 
would have quitted St. Helena without the circmnstance 
of Captain Piontkowski being on board her being known 
to anyone but Your ExceUency and the Admiral.' * The 
reason is given by Lowe to Bathurst : ' It was totally 
impossible to prevent its being known, as there is no 
lajdng restraints upon the vessels of war that anchor in 
the Roads, and have always conmiimication with each 
other even before their boats are sent ashore.'* With 
the departure of the OronUs comes Forsyth's opportunity, 
and he favours us with the only significant passage 
dealing with Piontkowski that he does not cut out of 
Lowe's despatches.^ He had better have suppressed that, 

* L.P., 20,207, *• 28. ^ Ibid., 2o,xi8, 1 301;. 

» Ibid., f. 65. * ii. 60. 


too ; for what the Governor writes on December 30 to 
Bathurst does not redound to his credit. It is this : ' I 
will not do General Bonaparte or the Officers of his suite 
the injustice to suppose Captain Piontkowski's falsehoods 
and impertinences are in any respect countenanced by 
them, and it will be recollected Gen. Bonaparte himself 
told Lt.-Col. Sir T. Reade that Piontkowski was merely 
a soldier of ]^his guard at Elba and that he knew nothing 
further of him. He was not admitted to his table or 
society during his stay here. These particulars may serve 
for refutation of any importance he may think fit to 
assume on his arrival in Europe.' Compare, I ask you, 
the tone and tenour of the above official despatch with 
those of Lowe's private letter to Somerset of October 19, 
I have quoted. It is easy to say where the truth lies : 
it is certainly not here. Piontkowski was admitted on 
repeated occasions to Napoleon's table, and even the 
unfriendly Las Cases tells us that the Emperor took a 
pleasure in talking to his Equerry whenever he met him. 
Why Lowe should have performed this ungenerous voUe- 
face, and here — in his ' justice ' 1 — ^haughtily made the 
Generals disown the machinations of the Nagle affair 
which there he privily, and sagaciously, lays at their door, 
one is at a loss to conceive. Perhaps, by damning be- 
times the opponent's witness— or the Opposition's — ^he 
was already defending himself against the criticism of his 
conduct which he rightly divined the repatriated Exiles 
would publish on arrival in Europe ? Whoever was or 
was not given to falsehood — ^and the notorious imtruther 
at Longwood was that ' officer of the suite ' Montholon — 
one must confess that in this parting commination he 
levelled at Piontkowski Sir Hudson was guilty of a two- 
facedness it is very difficult to condone. 
The OrofUes made a good passage home — forty-three 


days — ^two more than the record of forty-one achieved 
by the Redpole in 1815.^ There was no incident to speak 
ot with the sole exception of a funeral on February 12, 
when nearly in sight of land. 

And while in that ' sure and fast frigate/ which had 
saluted the Duchesse d'AngoulSme on her return to her 
native land, and later had brought Stfirmer to the Rock, 
Piontkowski is once again piling the knots behind him, 
and thinking anew of the wife who for months past has 
been on his account distraught, let us see what Monsieur 
Fr6d^c Masson — ^the only man who has written more 
than a page anent the Polish Follower — ^has to say about 
him and about her. 

M« Masson has given us more books upon Napoleon 
than any historian alive, and has laid every student, 
critic, admirer, or worshipper of the last Great Man under 
a deep debt of gratitude. He has illuminated for us 
hundreds of obscure points, co-ordinated scores of seem- 
ingly disparate testimonies, revealed dozens of state and 
other secrets, and moved us to smiles or sighs with a 
wealth of ever interesting ana. In the familiar phrase, 
what M. Masson does not know about Napoleon is hardly 
worth knowing, and he has achieved complete mastery 
of the ifiHrne side of the Emperor; though, to be sure, I 
have heard more than one historian of repute question 
whether it is genuine oblation to Clio and a source of un- 
diluted elation to Napoleonids of our day to have such 
minute investigations made, not only into the Hero's 
legitimate loves, but even into his iUicit intrigues, his 
ephemeral fancies, and his amoufs of an ancillary descrip- 1 

tion. Be that as it may. 

On the subject of Piontkowski M. Masson has published 

^ See Appendix B. j 


some fifty pages or more in the opening chapter of vol. i. 
of AiUour de Ste. HeUne, and mostly in vol. ii. Whilst 
the reader is tickled by the sly hits and the sardonic 
innuendoes the article abounds in, he cannot but deprecate 
the parti-pris with which it is written, nor fail to perceive 
how often an ironical question-mark is but the cloak to 
paucity of fact or penury of argument. M. Masson is 
bent upon one thing, and one thing only, to fit Piont- 
kowski — around though he may be — squarely into the 
little niche he has prepared for him in his St. Helena 
gallery. Striving unconsciously after that cold cate- 
gorical analysis which stamps French criticism, M. Mas- 
son has d tort et d travers reduced all Piontkowski's actions, 
motives and words to just one paramount principle — or 
lack thereof — ^and made him wear in season and out of 
season the badge of ' Adventurer,' just as Gourgaud is 
the ' Soldier of Fortxme,' Montchenu the hidebound ' Old 
Emigri,' and Antommarchi the ' Corsican boaster.' All 
that tends superficially to lend colour to his view M. Mas- 
son adopts without question or research, whilst all that 
coxmters it is either glossed over or overlooked altogether. 
To be precise, M. Masson commits five cardinal faults, 
which each and all detract from the historical value of 
his chapter, or that portion of it at least which deals with 
our St. Helena period. Firstly, he, mare suo, neglects 
our Records and Manuscripts. Rich though the French 
and Russian Archives may be in documents of the Cap- 
tivity, I venture to think that the materials at the British 
Museum and at Chancery Lane (not to mention three or 
four private Collections) are of much greater import- 
ance. Not only is M. Masson unacquainted with the 
Letters and with various telling pieces in the Wilson 
Papers, but he has rested content with the digest of 
the Lowe Papers given by Forsjrth, with the result 


that his original Piontkowski items are reduced to a 

Secondly, he unfairly saddles Piontkowski in person 
with everything that his Biographer states ; so much so, 
indeed, that his usual formula is ' Piontkowski raconte que,' 
etc., and then follows some flamboyant narrative, which 
the Pole himself never wrote or dictated, and which is 
usually at variance with the account given in the Letters, 
let alone with the truth as established by official docu- 
ments. The Biography was written some years after 
Piontkowski's death by a man who probably never set 
eyes upon him, and must have gleaned his data at second 
or third, or even fourth or fifth hand. Who knows in 
what hyperbolical alembic of gloriole and gossip-monger- 
ing the information may not have been distilled before 
reaching Cabany ? Let a man's actions, or opinions, or 
motives — hardest of all — ^be judged from his autobiog- 
raphy, if you will, though even then there's the ' gallery ' 
to deduct. But if that man is to be called posthumously 
to account for all the fatuities and aberrations of his 
Biographer, that indeed will be ' adding a new terror to 
death '! I need not labour the point. In dealing with 
Piontkowski I personally have looked upon Cabany's well- 
meaning rigmarole, qtM document, as non-exicutL 

Thirdly, M. Masson, for Piontkowski's sojourn on the 
Rock, derives his information almost entirely from Gour- 
gaud, and Goiurgaud in that respect is no more trust- 
worthy than the others. We have seen already that the 
Master of the Horse was none too prone to show the 
Equerry in a favourable light, and some of the statements 
he makes are quite haphazard and inaccurate, as will 
appear presently. 

Fourthly, M. Masson, after his wont once more, gives 
no references. It will hardly be believed that, though 


quotations from the Biography form about fifty per cent, 
of his article, he never once gives us the name of its 
writer or the locus classicus of the masterpiece in question. 
In fact, had it not been for the kindness of Professor Dr. 
Schramm-Macdonald, of Dresden, whom I traced through 
Oettinger's Moniteur des Dates (the only biographical 
dictionary in any language which so much as mentions 
Piontkowski), I should to this day have remained in 
Ignorance of Cabany — ^be it confessed, no very great 

Lastly, M. Masson, whilst making a great show of dates, 
rarely troubles to verify them.^ So often does he go 
astray that one may be pardoned for wondering if his 
slap-dash figiures may not haply be set ofi by slap-dash 
' facts.' 

I do not purpose to go through M. Masson's article 
paragraph by paragraph or examine his statements 
seriatim, though there is a temptation to do so. I will 
take a dozen or so typical instances, and see how Piont- 
kowski comports himself under the scalpel of his de- 
tractor's steely irony, and how mostly he recovers thanks 
to the beneficent balsam of Truth. 

We have seen already that one of the two chief episodes 
in Piontkowski's stay at St. Helena was the afiair of the 
April Declaration. I have dealt fuUy with it ; given all 
dates and references, and shown how it led to his removal 

* E.g. : Vol. i., p. 15, ' 18 ' for ' 23 ' (strictly, the letter was 
undated, but it was sent on the 23rd) ; p. 17, ' 31 ' for ' 18/ 
' 12 • for • 15 ' ; p. 25, • 31 ' for * 30/ ' 17 ' for ' 22 ' ; p. 35. * 3 ' 
for ' 2 ' ; p. 39, ' 6 ' for ' I.' Vol. ii., p. 122, ' 4 June, 1813 ' for 
• Spring, 1812 ' ; p. 123, ' 12 ' for * 16 ' ; p. 129, ' Deux * for 
' Quatre ' ; p. 112, ' 30 ' for ' 27 ' ; p. 171, ' 1829 ' for ' 1828 ' ; 
p. 172, ' deux ann6es ' for ' neuf mois,' etc. Errors of names or 
figures (not dates) I need not linger over : the Bellerophon never 
went to Spithead with Gourgaud (i. 88) ; Henry was not Assistant- 
Surgeon of the 53rd (ii. 67 and 68) ; Cockbum was not ' Sir 
Joseph ' (ii. 26), and so forth. 


in October, as he asserts in the Letters. M. Masson has 
only the version given in the Biography to go by ; he is 
pleased to look upon that narrative as a tissue of pretence 
on Piontkowski's part (of course I), and dramatically 
exclaims that ' the whole fabric deserves to be puUed to 
pieces/^ It would, indeed, were it a fabrication to boot. 
But it so happens that for the nonce Cabany is quite 
accurate and in perfect accord with the Letters and with 
all matters of fact, though falling into a trivial nominal 
error or two. ' Forsyth,' says Mr. Masson, * prints the 
Declarations of Las Cases, Gourgaud, Bertrand, and 
Montholon. He does not print Piontkowski's. Nowhere 
is there any question of such.' Ergo, assumes M. Masson, 
there was probably no Declaration, and Piontkowski must 
belying I 

' And for this caas ben alle crowes blake T 

But even if there was a Declaration, M. Masson submits, 
it could not have influenced the removal, and he proceeds 
to argue thus : 

' Lord Bathurst replied [to Lowe's despatch concerning 
the April Declarations] with an order to exact from the 
Followers their signature pure and simple to the original 
form drawn up by the Government. If this despatch 
reached St. Helena by the Eurydice, which brought the 
instruction, dated June 26th, to remove Piontkowski 
[it did], it must have been of a later date, most likely of 
17th July [really July 9th]. Hence Lowe had no occa- 
sion to ask Piontkowski for his signature ; he had merely 
to carry out Bathurst's order and deport him. His 
Declaration, which Piontkowski himself [i.e., Cabany] 
dates i8th April, could have had absolutely no connec- 
tion with his removal, which had been decided upon in 

^ ii. 145. 


London on June 26th ; and the new Declaration required 
by Lord Bathurst was* signed only on October 15th at 
St. Helena. Hence, there is on the part of Piontkowski 
a wilful confusion established between the two Declara- 
tions ; that of April, which he may have shared in, and 
which led to no one's removal, and that of October, which 
he had no occasion to take part in, the non-signing of 
which in other terms than those officially prescribed 
would have led to deportation/^ 

The last sentence is not clear. The writer means 
' the Signing of which ' ; f or ' non-signing in other terms 
than those prescribed ' is tantamount to signing in the 
original terms — ^the official desideratum. But that is 
a trifle. The point is this ' wilful confusion.' There is 
no wilful confusion on Piontkowski's, or even Cabany's, 
part. The only confusion, wilful or otherwise, is in 
M. Masson's own mind ; for he deliberately shuts his eyes 
to the Biographer's clear statement that the Pole's 
removal was directly due to the April Declaration which 
he prints (two versions, of the i8th and 19th). There 
is no mention whatever of any October Declaration, signed 
or not signed by Piontkowski, or anybody else, and 
M. Masson is simply setting up a puppet for the purpose 
of bowling it over I (Incidentally had there been a dozen 
Declarations presented for signatinre on October 13 
and 15, whatever course of action Piontkowski pursued 
would, to his own knowledge, have not mattered one jot, 
for ten days or so before he had heard of his irrevocable 
fate.) Why M. Masson should commit this irrelevancy 
passes comprehension. Possibly he is genuinely puzzled 
by the question of the two dates he gives, April 18 and 
June 26. How long does he suppose a frigate took to 
reach England ? Three months ? He ought to know 

* ii. 147. 


better. I'm sure he does know better ; but in order to 
bolster up his little theory — viz., that Piontkowski boast- 
fully claimed greater devotion to Napoleon than the other 
Followers by a supposed assertion that he alone refused 
to sign the October Declaration (or signed an extremely 
virulent one) and so got deported — ^he doubtless has 
the Havannah proceed home via the Cape, the Indian 
Ocean and the Red Sea and wait for the advent of 
de Lesseps at Suez ! By way of rider to the foregoing 
charge, M. Masson adds, ' as the Emperor had not mixed 
himself up with any of his Followers' Declarations/ how 
can we believe that he should have had anything to do 
with Piontkowski's— if there was one — as the latter's 
Biographer implies ? As a fact. Napoleon did concern 
himself with the April Declarations, and Gourgaud for 
one states that he altered his in consequence.^ If I know 
anything of Piontkowski's style in French, I have no 
hesitation in asserting that his Declaration bears traces 
of the Imperial correction — the Letters even say ' dicta- 
tion.' That phrase in apposition, ' bienfait dojit on 
est priv6 les trois quarts du temps,' was never his own, 
and the next expression, ' mettra un terme prompt k la 
vie de I'Empereur,' takes one unconsciously to Napo- 
leon's own words about the climate in his farewell letter 
to Las Cases of December 11, 1816 : ' Mettront, je le 
sens, un terme prompt k cette existence.' Howbeit, these 
dialectic trivialities are not worth labouring, even on 
M. Masson's account. 

The latter's next indictment* regards the livret, or 
certificate, which we have seen was given to Piontkowski 
on his leaving St. Helena. According to Gourgaud, who 
misdates it 19th September,^ one year's pay was stipulated ; 
and M. Masson finds Cabany saying (or, as he puts it, 

* Journal, i. 164. * ii. 147. ' Journal, ii. 512. 


' Piontkowski announcing ') that two years could be 
claimed, plus a pension, and that Napoleon himself wrote 
that particular paper. I refer the reader to Appendix A, 
No. 5. The document was plainly from the hand of 
Bertrand ; two years' pay was granted, and there is no 
mention of a pension. As for any falsification — if that 
were ever imputed to Piontkowski— one would require 
something very much less casual than an entry in the 
Journal, in appendix or otherwise, to support such a 
charge. As Gourgaud also quotes Bertrand's farewell 
testimonial (Appendix A, No. 4) and gives to that very 
formal document the strangely familiar superscript 
' Mon cher Piontkowski,'^ one is still further inclined to 
call into question the accuracy, or the adequacy (as in 
the case of the * bolte k th6 ' aforementioned, which 
M. Masson also refers to ironically^) of any entry made 
by the splenetic Master of the Horse respecting the 
hapless Equerry ! Which takes us straight to the incident 
of February 5, 1816. As it throws a light, firstly, upon 
the state of ' nerves ' at St. Helena and, secondly, upon 
Gourgaud's contempt for the sequence of events, I may 
be pardoned a few details. On that day, the Diarist 
informs us,' ' Piontkowski announced '—quite in the 
Christmas carol strain — ' that there were five ships in 
sight, Dutchmen by report. The Camp turned out. 
Finally the matter resolved itself into one whaler, which 
had not replied to the challenge gxm of the Brig on the 
Station.' This version M. Masson adopts unquestion- 
ingly, and, adding that Piontkowski invariably exag- 
gerates the news he picks up, leaves us under the impres- 
sion that all the martial excitement aforesaid was directly 
due to the Captain's disregard of the truth. What were 
the facts ? The mom broke duU and rainy — the worst 

1 Journal, i. 253. • ii. 140. « Journal, L 134. 


atmospheric condition for the observation of ships, especi- 
ally to a landsman. There were at that precise period 
at St. Helena, in the way of Navy, the Flagship and 
a store-ship, permanently at anchor just of! the town, 
and thus familiar objects to all and sundry, and four 
other men-of-war, and four only, the Zenobia, Ferrety 
Leveret, and Icarus} These were either riding at single 
anchor or gently tacking to and fro, watching the island 
from various points some four or five miles off, and, given 
the coast-line, were in all likelihood invisible from the 
Parade or from Deadwood for days at a time. Of the 
four, the Leveret (Captain Theed) was acting as the 
* Windward Cruiser ' and was that morning three minutes 
of latitude north-east of James' Bay. The incident is 
thus described in her Log : ' Feb. 5, 1816. At daylight 
observed a stranger S.W. by W. ; made sail in chase. 
At 5.30 hoisted the ensign and pendant and fired a gun. 
Observed stranger set studding-sails and fired several 
shot to bring her to, but to no effect ; fired shot to the 
number of 15. At 7 she was brought to by the Battery 
at Sugar-loaf Point, shortened sail and hove to. On the 
Master's coming on board, required his reasons for not 
bringing to before. His excuse was that he doubted our 
being a friend. On being told that he would be made 
to answer for his conduct, and that it was a pity the shot 
did not strike him, he replied that if they had he would 
have returned the fire, and treated the Captain with great 
disrespect. Found her to be [the South Sea whaler 
Thames] from the Gallipago Islands, bound to London 
laden with oil.' [On the 6th a similar incident occurred 
with an American trader.] 

So you see, the commotion began at 5.30 a.m., half an 
hour before the removal of the night sentries, when Piont- 

^ See Appendix B. 


kowski was doubtless still sound asleep ; and it lasted an 
hour and a half. By the time he was up and about, the 
whole place must have been agog, from the batteries 
downwards. He would interrogate Is premier venu. 
If he was told there were ' five Dutch ships/ small wonder 
he repeated the information, as Gourgaud or another 
would have done. If — what probably happened — ^he 
himself proceeded towards the Flagstaff, and from there 
saw five ships and said so, why doubt his word ? The 
five, I submit, were the adventurous whaler, the Leveret 
alongside, and the Zenobia, Ferret, and Icarus, which had 
hurried to the spot from round the comer at that most 
unusual cannonade. They made all sail for far less at 
St. Helena, where an3^hing out of the common was a 
cause of alarm [cf. ' At half-past nine this evening we 
were much alarmed by the firing of guns. ... It proved 
to be a sham fight between two men-of-war.' NichoUs' 
Journal (L.P., 20,210, f. 6)]. Those five vessels would 
all be unfamiliar to the Pole, and might be mistaken for 
Dutch, or Russian, or Swedish, or aught else ; and there 
is similarity of soimd between * Londres ' (to which the 
whaler belonged) and ' HoUandais,' in an excited Anglo- 
French snatch of conversation at the Gate. The above 
explanation is more than plausible, and it is not Piont- 
kowski, but Gourgaud, who comes out of it the worse. 
Incidentally, the latter's Editors give us, fpr a very trans- 
parent purpose, a gratuitous footnote stating that it was 
the Podargus that fired upon the whaler. As Captain 
Wallis's sloop was then at her moorings in the Hamoaze, 
the shot they credit her with must have been even longer 
than their own ! 

Let us glance quickly at a few other small points 
M. Masson makes. He smiles satirically^ at the ' loss 

* ii. 123. 


of a portmanteau at Cannes/ whereby Piontkowski 
states he was deprived of certain papers. Why jib at 
this and swallow a similar and greater loss he experienced 
at Genoa in 1817 ?^ Baggage, ere now, has gone astray — 
especially on the Riviera — in far less dramatic circum- 
stances than the landing of 600 men^ to reconquer a 
throne I And when we remember that the Poles on that 
occasion had to carry their saddles and bridles and 
march with the grenadiers, all other impedimenta become 
very much the playthings of the train-followers. 

On page 127 we read ' He [Piontkowski] has related that 
being on the BeUerophon (Maitland formally states that 
he was on the cutter), he was particularly distinguished 
by the Duke of Devonshire, etc.' ' He ' has related 
nothing of the sort in the Letters written in 1817. What 
Cabany may or may not have varnished his tale with 
some thirty-five years later is of precious little conse- 
quence. As for the two vessels, we have seen that 
Piontkowski went on both. On page 135 we are told 
that the Pole received a letter from his wife, and that ' he 
would not show it to Montholon who asked for it/ Why 
should he ? There was no love lost between the Captain 
and the Generals that he should give them his letters to 
read. He offered it to the Emperor, who declined to 
peruse it ; and that was enough. According to Gourgaud, 
the incident closed with the ' talking-to ' he administered 
his subordinate.^ Seeing the way Gomgaud repeatedly 
* talked ' to the Emperor himself, it is more than prob- 
able that the Equerry came in for a good many curses 
and expletives, deserved or undeserved, more often the 
latter ! On the same page, the supposed threat to 

* ii. 160. 

' Napoleon's own figure in the Moniieur of March 23, 1815. 
Needless to say, it was more like twice that number. 

* Jot4rnal, i. 193. 


horsewhip Reade is referred to. This I have explained 

We have seen from official documents, and shall see 
again presently from his letter to Bathurst, that Piont- 
kowski was well treated at the Cape and that nothing 
occmred during the short time he was there. His 
Biographer has some ridiculous stories to tell, which lead 
one to infer that he must have mixed up Las Cases' de- 
portation with that of the Pole, and added a few touches 
from some big -game hunter's recollections. This 
M. Masson^ sets against sonie racontars of Gourgaud's 
hardly less absurd or less improbable,^ and once again 
drags Sir Thomas Reade in for his castigation. [Inci- 
dentally, Reade was not Lieutenant-(jrovemor of St. 
Helena.] And where does Gourgaud get this gossip 
from ? What is the catenation ? He gets it from 
Lieutenant FitzGerald, the latter from the officers of 
the 53rd (one or two, or perhaps three or four en chatne) ; 
they get it from the officers of the newly-arrived Orontes 
{ibid., ibid.) ; and these from the officers of Somerset's stafi 
at the Cape {ibid., ibid.), supposing it is not even from 
some Simon's Bay quidnunc or other. At the very least 
at fifth or sixth hand, possibly at twentieth. When you 
remember that ' what she said is not evidence,' what three 
several sets of officers have passed on, with likdy enough 
a few civilians to help them, is still farther removed from 
the direct, the circimistantial, or even the presumptive I 
Gourgaud, and after him M. Masson, registers presently^ 
a few more wind-borne stories of Piontkowski's doings 
in London which this time are brought by casual merchant 
skippers, and retailed by that arch-news-broker of Long- 
wood, Cipriani. A word about them will not be amiss 
in loco. 

* ii. 148. ■ Journal, i. 273, and i. 335. 

' Ibid., ii. 95, loi, 104. 


Lastly, there's that dialogue at the Skdtons' luncheon, 
where Cockbum requests Piontkowski to relate his 
campaigns. Gourgaud intervenes and wishes to know 
if the Pole fought in Russia. ' What,' says Cockbum 
in astonishment, * did you never see Piontkowski in the 
Army ?' ' Never/ replies Gourgaud, and he proceeds 
to put certain questions to the Captain about the si^e 
of Smolensk, which the latter, who says he was present, 
answers very unsatisfactorily.^ Well, proof or disproof 
is equally difficult. We only have Gourgaud's interested 
version : we should like Piontkowski's, or anybody 
dse's. The Admiral's remark strikes one as apocryphal : 
he was a calm and reflective man, and the last in the world 
to put silly questions. Given the forces engaged in Russia, 
the wonder would have been if Gourgaud, then Captain 
of Artillery, Orderly Officer to Napoleon and Baron of 
the Empire, had met the modest cavalry subaltern ' in 
the Army '! But let us grant for the nonce, and if only 
to humour M. Masson, that Piontkowski did draw the 
Longwood bow just a wee bit about his prowess in the 
field ? Great Heavens ! was he the only archer of the 
sort on the island ? I think not. If he did embroider 
a little now and then, it was on the spur of the moment, 
genially, i la Tartarin, to make the story more entrancing : 
there was not that repellent self-complacency which dis- 
tinguished all the others. He never bared a ferruginous 
falchion and pointed to the gore of a Cossack, like the 
Baron I He vaingloried not in the four thousand daughters 
of Albion had succumbed to his instance, like Mont- 
chenu 1 He laid no pompous claim to psychological 
insight, to say such monstrous things of Napoleon as this 
one of Lowe's :' All his argimients and notions seem based 
upon the worst possible opinion of human nature. . . . 

* Joumalt i. 119. 


There is a region beyond [the evil one he sees], and it 
is the region of good ; and that he can never discern 1'^ 
No ; Piontkowski was only human, and had his motley 
faults ; but Gourgaud should be the last to cast a stone 
at him. For there is one cumulation of offence can never 
be laid at his door. He did not deal treacherously by 
the man who had made him, whose exile he had shared. 
He did not curry favour with the English by lying 
' revelations.* He did not advise Goulbum as to the best 
surveillance of the Captive. Various be the feelings 
wherewith one may consider Piontkowski — ^interest or 
indifference, amusement or incredulity, pity or toleration, 
regard or dislike — but ineffable scorn can never be one 
of them. 

Let us have no more of ' Gourgaud on Piontkowski.' It 
is in its way as gratuitous as Warburton on Shakspere ! ^ 

* L.P., 20,216, f. 233t;. 

* Though a ' Gourgaud Appendix ' seems the thing with writers 
upon the Last Phase, I will not venture upon yet another, but 
will limit myself to one unpublished item of undoubted importance 
and interest — Gourgaud's letter to Madame de Montholon upon 
her return to Europe. The fantastic and untenable theory of 
the Editors of tiie Journal that the Montholon-Gourgaud quairel 
was unreal and merely ' put on ' to deceive the English and carry 
out a ' mission ' has been sufficiently exploded by M. Masson 
(Le Cos du Giniral Gourgaud) and MM. Gonnard and Fr^meaux 
have added to the demolition. The inferences drawn and argu- 
ments adduced by these Editors are at times puerile, and upon 
this particular point I illustrate their silence is more significant 
than any sophistry could have been. They give us — ^with several 
errors, be it said — Gourgaud's letter to ' an English General,* 
dated Hamburg, September 19, 18 19, in which he expresses his 
anxiety to offer his services to Madame de Montholon, who has 
just arrived in England (ii. 549). The General, of course, was 
Wilson (not FlahatU, as M. Masson supposes — i. 57), and the 
letter is found in his Papers (Add. MSS., 30,109, f. 43). What 
they do not give us — ^perhaps because undiscovered or perhaps 
as damaging to their case — ^is Gourgaud's further letter to Wilson 
of December i, 1819, and his letter to Madame de Montholon 
at Brussels, thereto annexed. Had the quarrel been a comedy 


A man and his wife being one, I shall not violate the 
unities by adverting for a while to Madame Piontkowska. 
Badly as M. Masson pinks the husband, still worse does 
he lancinate the spouse. Like the galant homnte that he 
is, he makes mere galantine of the lady I Listen : — 

' Where, when> and how Piontkowski met her is a 
mystery. Anyhow, he did not profit much by his marriage 
and he left Madame Piontkowska [on his departmre for 

or a mere ephemeral brouille, the mask or the attitude would have 
been dropped as soon as the two participants had thrown ofi 
the St. Helena and Colonial Office influence and atmosphere— 
that is, as soon as both Gourgaud and Madame de Montholon 
(whom he ' hated ' and abused even more than her husband) 
were settled on the Continent and had severed all English ties, 
barring precisely this one with Wilson, who, as a rabid antagonist 
of the Ministry and of the Lowe faction and a befriender in turn 
of all the repatriated Exiles, was the very last man before whom 
the ' fiction ' needed to be maintained or a letter to be ' cooked ' 
in the copy. Yet this is what Gourgaud writes to the lady, and 
it breathes sincerity — du plus pur Gourgaud, with its venom 
quaintly dashed with chivalry, and its heart's yearnings after 
Napoleon, young Montholon, and the Deity equally divided. I 
give it in the original : 

' Hambourg, 
' Le 4 Octobre, 1819. 

' MADABfB, — J'apprends par les Gazettes que vous 6tes k 
BnixeUes et je m'empresse de vous ^rire pour vous prier de 
me donner des nouvelles de la sant6 de TEmpereur et de nos 
compagnons d'infortune de Long Wood. Quelle que malheur- 
euse que soit ma situation pr6sente, quels que grands que soient 
les reproches que je serois en droit de vous faire, je ne vous en 
parlerai pas ici, Madame ; il est des circonstances ou les ^Unes 
g6n^uses doivent comprimer les sentimens de haine dont eUes 
peuvent £tre p6n6tr6es pour faire place k des sentimens plus 
nobles et plus ^ev6s. Nous sommes dans de telles circonstances. 
Sans nous aimer nous pouvons done n'en $tre pas moins unis. 
Ainsi, Madame, si malgr6 ma misdre, je puis vous dtre utile, 
comptez absolument sur moi, et disposes de moi comme de votre 
ami le plus d6vou6. Bien des personnes qu'aux tems de ses 
pro8p6nt6s TEmpereur a combl6 de fortune et d'honneurs I'ont 
entidrement oubli6 maintenant ; mais moi, Madame, je n'ai 
oubli6 que ses injustices et me souviendrai tou jours de ses bien- 
faits. Je me tais. Adieu, Madame, embrassez bien vos enfans de 


St. Helena] "under the protection of an Englishman, 
Mr. Capel Lofft, who promised to take her to France." . . . 
In March, 1816, she undertook a trip to France, and 
accompanied by Mr. Capel Lofit, she landed at Calais. 
There she was recognized as having come in March, 1815, 
with the same Englishman. Perhaps we should remember 
that Capel is the patronjnnic of the Earls of Essex.' ^ 

ma part, et surtout mon petit Tristan : et pensez qu'iin jour 
c'est vous-m6me qui voas reprocherez tout le mal que vous 
m'avez fait. J'ai rhonneur, etc. (sigii6) lb Gal. Gourgaud. 

' P.S. — Je partirai d'ici dans les premiers jours de Novembre 
{sic). Je ne sais pas oii j'irai, mais Dieu ne m'abandonnera pas. 
Faites-moi savoir, je vous en prie, si cette lettre vous est parvenue 
en m'6crivant k Mr. le Gal. Gourgaud sous le convert de Mr. 
J6nisch [Janisch, see p. 66]. Vous concevez mon impatience k 
recevoir de vos nouvelles ' (Add. MSS., 30,109, f. 68). 

' This Letter ' (which says not a word of a ' mission '), writes 
Gourgaud, ' I am certain has reached Madame de Montholon,' 
who, it is significant, up to December i had vouchsafed no reply 
— ^probably out of disgust with Gourgaud's remarkable way of 
' remembering the Emperor's benefactions ' I — and the writer 
asks Wilson, ' Is one always deceived in being kind to the evil- 
minded ?' adding ominously, ' I hope the Husband will return 
some day and give me a more precise answer. Patience there- 
fore !' {Ibid,, f. 67). 

I hs^ intended quoting Gourgaud's letter to Lowe dated 
London, June 20, 1818 [' I have received a letter from him. He 
writes in very desponding style ' — Lowe to Goulbum, L.P., 20,124, 
f. 402], but find M. Gonnard has given it in his Appendix (£ng. 
ed., p. 229). One sentence, however, he suppresses, and as it 
might to some be the most humanly interesting of all, I supply it : 
' Je vis, on plutdt je v6gdte, ici de la manidre la plus retir6e ; 
j'ai le coeur trop aigri pour chercher k fr6quenter le monde : 
heureux si je pouvois tout oublier et dtre oubli6 de tous. Si 
m6me mon s6jour ici doit se prolonger longtemps, j'ai intention 
de changer de nom, afin de me tirer d'afiaire conmie je pourrai ' 
(L.P., 20,204, ^* 52)' That change of name was apparently in 
vogue amongst the Emperor's friends in their wanderings, cf. 
' Je porte k bord de ce vaisseau [H,M.S. Lapwing] le nom de 
Balladour ; on ne m'y connoit pas autrement ' (Savary to Wilson, 
June 6, 1819, Add. MSS., 30,109, f. 15). A kind of troubadour, I 
suppose ? 

* ii. 130. 


Again : ' His wife, who is she ? The mistress of some 
powerful Englishman who wished to insure her a name 
and status and then got rid of the husband by packing 
him ofi to St. Helena ? Howbeit the fortune she made 
was mediocre for so pretty a woman/^ 

A most delicate insinuation, forsooth ! the ironical 
innuendo being M. Masson's pet figure of rhetoric. Once 
again, what are the facts ? Who was Capel Lofit ? As 
one of the very few Englishmen of his day who proudly 
bore the designation ' Friend of Napoleon/ M. Masson 
should know much about him : his ignorance could hardly 
be greater. 

Capel Lofit, at this time nearing his seventieth year — 
rather passe for a Don Juan — was a man of vast and 
varied parts, whose prodigality of achievement, touched 
though it was with a certain quixotic amateurishness, 
should have insured his name against the oblivion that 
has fallen upon it. He was equally distinguished amongst 
the great minds of his day as a jurisconsult, an advocate, 
a poet, an essayist, an orator, an astronomer, a botanist, 
a musician, a classical scholar, a critic, a bibliophU, an 
antiquary, a patron of arts and of letters — ^notably in 
the case of Bloomfield — an Abolitionist, and a poUtical 
reformer. It vas, I take it, this very versatiUty, com- 
bined perhaps with a slight eccentricity of manner, which 
debarred him from obtaining that measure of worldly 
success which was rightly his due, though one might add 
the facts that — some fiery encounters on the hustings 
notwithstanding — ^his fine dilettantism habitually shrank 
from the tumult and the stour, and that he lived and 
died a pronounced Whig at a period when Tor3nsm was 
truculently triumphant. As it was, he was at various 

^ ii. 173. 


times pressed to stand for Parliament, and was once 
ofiered the post of British Minister at Washington. It is 
an irony of the sort he himself would have quietly relished 
that nowadays he ' lives ' thanks to two minds much in- 
ferior to his own, and is mainly recalled by a few encomi- 
astic entries in Crabb Robinson's Diary a;id by Boswell's 
epithet, ' this little David of the popular spirit.' ^ 

The consuming passion of Capel Lofit's later life was a 
heartfelt and intelligent admiration] of Napoleon.'^ He 

* By the kind courtesy of Miss C. LofEt Holden, of Hove, I 
have had the privilege of examining with some thoroughness the 
preserved correspondence of her distinguished great-grandfather. 
Apart from the literary and critical merits of the letters, their 
social and political sidelights and their many endearing personal 
touches, the standing of some of the people they are addressed 
to and the frequent historical references to Napoleon make 
them of abiding interest. In spite of a dreadful handwriting, 
which caused the Morning Chronicle to take ten days to decipher 
and publish a long epistle from Capel Lofit and led the reverend 
recipient of the one I print in Appendix G. to endorse it 
' Perlegat qui possit/ I hope at no distant date to be able to 
extract sufficient material to lay at least the foundations of a 
monograph, wherein some more eloquent and expert pen than 
mine might do a tardy justice to the many-sided Englishman, 
whose splendid activities and engaging personality we have un- 
worthily permitted ourselves to forget. 

Let me here gratefully acknowledge my additional indebtedness 
to Miss Lofft Holden for the loan of the originals of two of my 

' Capel Lofit's tribute to Napoleon after Elba is noteworthy : 
' Everything from his quitting of Elba heightens my Respect 
for and Admiration of this wonderful Man. It was not com- 
patible with this condition of Mortality that, called in very early 
Youth to the leading Part in a Theatre of Action as vast as it 
was novel and surrounded with every circumstance that can 
stimulate the Mind and bring it out of itself, he should not have 
had great Faults and great Errors intermixt with Qualities and 
Actions of the most transcendent Excellence. But if he has been 
subjected to the Influence of much that misleads, he has in a pecu- 
liar degree been placed, happily, I trust, for himself, for Europe 
and for the World, in those Circumstances and under those 
Impressions which exalt and correct, improve and confirm all 
the best feeling, and purify the heart of those which are adverse 


From a pastel portrait by HoUoway, in the possession 
of Miss Lofft Holden, of Hove. 


was among the few men on this side of the Channel who 
were not disqualified either by wilful ignorance, un- 
reasoning prejudice, or distorting terror, from forming a 
true estimate of the World-Conqueror ; who could assess 
at their right value the reboant slanders^ which had 
fastened — at Sir Robert Wilson's instigation, alas I — 
upon the ' Fugitive from Egypt ' ; and who could discern 
in the great Emperor not merely the Victor of a hundred 
Fights, but the Creator of Order, the Restorer of Religion, 
the Upraiser of Italy, the Regenerator and Glorificator 

to wisdom and to virtue. That he has true Benevolence, a 
feeling Heart, a most comprehensive and sublime Intellect, and 
a Genius as suitable to diffuse the Blessings of Peace, and to 
delight in their diffusion, as to command in War, I see evidence 
from his language and conduct which will not suffer me to 
doubt. . . . The 16 latter years of Frederick the Great are more 
illustrious than all his Victories. And I look for a still greater 
and happier Result if the Confederate Powers do not suspend 
the tendency to human improvement and happiness by Revenge ' 
(Letter to Mrs. Cobbold, May 4, 1815). 

^ In Capel Lofit's own words : ' But Epithets of all Abuse and 
Abhorrence and affected Contempt of this wonderful Man have 
been echoed in our ears so incessantly ; Calumnies have been 
forged and Facts perverted so unsparingly around every Being 
related or friendly to him, without any deference to Sex, Youth, 
Beauty, Conjugal and Maternal feelings, to the Genius and 
inflexible Firmness of Camot, to the milder but as firm Virtues 
of Lanjuinais, to his highly accomplisht and excellent Brother 
Lucien (revil'd as soon as reconciled), to the sublime Fidelity 
of Bertrand, Drouot, and Duroc ; our abandoned Papers have 
so industriously kept Truth from us and so malignantly and 
incessantly propagated Falsehood; that the best and clearest, 
the most candid and well-inform'd Minds are like the Inhabitants 
near the Cataracts of the Nile, deafen'd and distracted by the 
Thunder of the Torrents and blinded by the foam and confusion 
of the Elements, and see, hear and comprehend hardly anything 
as it is. It is through such disordered Media that Bonaparte is 
exhibited to us. My opinion haf been formed by long and steady 
attention to Facts and by the opinion of Men the best qualified 
to judge, and whose Friendship in Life and Death, Prosperity 
or Adversity had been fixt to him ' (Letter to Mrs. Cobbold, 
June 23, 1815). 


of France (which he loved and toiled tor as none ever 
loved and toiled before or since), the Framer of the Code, 
the Porifier of Finance, the Deliverer of Slaves, the 
Destroyer of the Inquisition and of Feudalism, the Tracer 
of roads and waterways, the Rebnilder of Lyons, the 
Maker of Cherbonig, of Antwerp, of Brest, the Promoter of 
Commerce, the Patron of Arts and Sciences, the Fosterer 
of Education — in short, the omnific Demiuige.^ Capel 
Lofft spoke with no uncertain utterance in the opening 
phrases of the Letter I give in Appendix G. ; and if, 
as they say, the verdict of a foreign nation — ^were it 
voiced but by one of its enlightened and seerlike sons — 
is the verdict of Posterity, then Napoleon at St. Helena, 
as his thoughts flew to the big-souled English jurist, 
must have seen a great glory gilding the veige of Time, 
and watched himself pacing herolike, even godlike, 
down the Ages, when, as he put it quite unnecessarily 
to Lowe, ' Bathurst will no longer count/ 

When the Bellerophon was lying at Plymouth and 
the Prisoner's fate hanging in the balance, Capel LofEt, 
persuaded that a deportation without trial would be an 
infraction of the Laws of England (31 Car. II. cap. 2, § 12), 
moved ' as an independent and constitutional lawyer ' 
for a writ of Habeas Corpus. In a long letter printed on 
August 2, 1815, by the Morning Chronicle he asserted 
that ' Bonaparte with the concurrence of the Admiralty 
was within the limits of British local all^^iance ; though 

*■ * Bonaparte is far more than merely a General who, if equalled, 
has never been excelled. He has given to France laws and a 
Constitution of a most transcendent excellence and mildness. 
He has been the great friend of the Arts and cultivator of the 
Sciences ; he has devoted himself to his People as a Father for 
the life and happiness of his Children ' (Capel Lofit to Mr. Deck, 
June 27, 1815). 


an alien, M^as a temporary subject ; that having touched 
our shores he was entitled to a trial and to the benefit of 
our laws/ On the 3rd, he returned to the charge and 
laid down categorically that the deportation would be 
a violation of (i) Magna Charta, cap. 29, (2) the Habeas 
Corpus Act, (3) Bill of Rights, and, in fact, ' of our whole 
Criminal Law, which permits not transportation unless 
in cases for which the Statute Law has expressly pro- 
vided.' On the 4th, the notorious Lewis Goldsmith replied 
rather lamely to the jurist and tried to establish a pre- 
cedent. On the 8th, ' A Practising Barrister ' endorsed 
the protest of ' the venerable Capel Lofit.' On the loth, 
the latter drives his aiguments still further home and 
disposes of the ' Bemardi precedent.' On the nth, there 
is a diatribe from ' Eunomus ' and a quoted sonnet of 
Lofit'is, ' that venerable friend of liberty '; and finally, 
on the I2th, the ' Practising Barrister ' to all intents and 
purposes closes the polemic — a hundred letters had poured 
in — with this pregnant sentence : ' The policy of im- 
prisoning for life a forlorn and abdicated Sovereign by 
way of security is unquestionable. It is the policy of 
cowards/' As we know, the Habeas Corpus motion 
failed of its effect, but meanwhile a certain Mr. McKenrot 
obtained a subpoena writ from the Court of the King's 
Bench for the evidence of Napoleon, J^rdme, and Admiral 
Willaumez in a naval dispute, and had it served on 
Admiral Duckworth.^ This was of little avail, and the 
Court official then pursued Lord Keith without success 

^ Morning Chronicle, August 11, 1815. This McKenrot ap- 
pears, from a letter in the Records, to have supplied the funds 
for both the subpoena and the Habeas Corpus and also to have 
advanced money to Madame Piontkowska. The matter is not 
very clear, and is further obscured by the fact that even the 
practical joker couldn't keep out of it, for on August 8 there is 
some reference to a ' hoax ' whereby Duckworth was made the 
recipient of a ' Habeas Corpus signed by two Judges.' 



round the Fleet. This, you remember, was given as a 
reason for hurrying the sailing of the Northumberland. 
With the latter event Capel LofEt's hopes were dashed to 
the ground^ ; but deeming that the cause of Napoleon 
might still be served in the persons of his adherents, he 
turned his attention to Rovigo and Lallemand ; and from 
certain letters in the CO. Records, as well as from Planat's 
statement (p. 251), there is every reason to suppose that 
he influenced through Parliamentary friends the Ministry's 
decision to deport them, with the other six, to Malta, 
instead of handing them over to the French Government, 
as they very much feared their fate would be. The 
Eurotas gone, there remained Piontkowski. I have found 
no evidence of any intercession on Capel Loflt's part, but, 
reasoning by analogy, we may fairly assume that the 
official acquiescence in the Pole's prayer to rejoin the 
Emperqr, which has always remained much of a mystery, 
may have been due in a measure to Capel Lofit's backing. 
With the Captain's departure, there was left but one 
person in any way connected with the Emperor, the four 
days' bride, to wit. As she was merely the wife of a small 
* Follower on spec.,' the relationship, be it confessed, was 
much a la mode de Bretagnel But no matter. Capel 
Lofit genuinely thought to ofier even this distant tribute 
to the ill-starred Hero, and bestowed a friendship blent 

^ They revived a little, later on, and three years after he was 
still vainly ' hoping ' — ^but there is the ring of despair about it : 
' I do hope that at length a sense will arise how much the Nation 
dishonours itself by silently acquiescing in the Conduct of Ministers 
and their Agents towards him who confided himself magnani- 
mously to us, and thought himself worthy, as he was, of Liberty 
and peaceful Retreat amongst us. The harassing indignities 
which axe so perseveringly continued against him make the 
much*di8puted history of Regulus assume a new (?) degree. A 
short Petition to the Prince and the two Houses might express 
a just and, I hope, a general Sentiment ' (Letter to Mr. Bounden, 
May 2, 18x8). 


with chivalry upon Madame Piontkowska, and did his 
best to further her one object — to rejoin her husband. 
The fact that he was devoted to music and that she 
possessed a magnificent voice, to which he testifies re- 
peatedly in his letters/ was an additional bond. After 
her parting on October 8 with her husband — ^just for the 
time being, as she thought — Capel Lofit escorted her to 
London, and left her in residence with a friend, Madame 
H^. She must have found it irksome and written 
him so in a few weeks, for on his return to his country 
seat — ^Troston HaU, inherited with a vast fortune from 
his Uncle in 1781 — Mrs. Lofft, his second wife, fUe Sarah 
Watson Finch, and herself a poetess, sent ofi this invita- 
tion to the Countess, as she is known henceforward : 

' Troston Hall, near Bury, Suffolk. 

' Nov, 26, 1815. 

' Madame, 

' My Husband has espoused the cause of the Em* 
peror far too deeply for us not to congratulate ourselves 
upon this opportunity now presenting itself to be of some 
service to you. He has begun to interest the most likely 
Members of both Houses in your case, with the object of 
bringing it to the Prince Regent's notice. In the mean- 
time, Madame, we pray you will accept our hospitality 
and the shelter of our house, if you can put up with the 
monotonous life inseparable from an old country-house. 

* I hope, Madame, that you will find it a respectable 
retreat— ^but that is all; for my Husband has always 
led a retired and philosophical life, and since the mis- 
fortunes that have afiSicted Europe and his own heart, 

^ E.g, : ' I regret you could not hear her sing it. This time we 
missed that pleasure ourselves, but she sang with a highly inter- 
esting enthusiasm Le Devoir et VHonneur, and another fine French 
air in honour of the Emperor ' (Letter to Mrs. Cobbold, August 13, 


he has ahnost entirely retired from the world. Still, if 
you find nothing here to amuse, at least you will find 
nothing to deject. I flatter myself even that if the 
Count^ was to choose an asylum for you, it would be just 
such a one as this. I beg you will convey to Madanie 
H6ry our greetings and our sincere desire to see her too. 
I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect for 
yourself and for your cause, your very obedient servant, 

' (Signed) S. W. Lofft.'« 

Coming as it does from one of their order, the above 
epistle would pass, I fancy, a whole posse of British 
Matrons ; and even on the Massonic principle, at its most 
free, were one puzzled to read anjrthing not entirely ' on 
the square ' into it ! That Madame Piontko wska accepted 
the invitation — ^with or without Madame Hdry — is proved 

^ This IS the first time Piontkowski figures as a ' Coimt/ and 
the only occasion in 1815 or 1816. Significantly, it is no direct 
claim, but reaches us through two ladies. He personally never 
subscribes or writes of himself as such ; and there is no reference, 
serious or even ironical, to a Countship in any St. Helena docu- 
ment. Failing aU family papers, it is impossible to prove either 
that he was or was no$ noble by birth. Dropping his military 
rank, as he did, for the avowed purpose of serving Napoleon at 
Elba and St. Helena in any capacity whatever, even menial, 
it is only natural to suppose that he would have been even more 
prone to lay aside any nobiliary distinction he might possess, 
subject perhaps to a revival thereof on, let us say, his marriage 
to a socially ambitious woman. That he was never made a Count 
is certain. If the thing was an assumption, then ' the woman 
did it/ and that during her husband's absence from England ; 
and on his return he weakly acquiesced in the fait accompli, 
Castlereagh, writing to Goulbum in April, 181 7, refers to ' your 
friend the Polish Count.' So does Balcombe, when in England, 
in i8z8 and 1819. Years later, in 1830, after his wife's death, 
he figures in the Genevese archives simply as ' ex-colonel in the 
Polish Army.' No title is claimed or given. Anyhow the point 
is hardly worth labouring, as it has no bearing upon his life at 
St. Helena or even upon the broad lines of his existence thereafter. 

* L.P., 20,138, f. 2. 


by a passage in a letter of Capel Loilt to Mr. Bounden 
of the Philomathic Society, under the date March 10, 
1817, ui which he says that the first thing Piontkowski did 
on his return to England was to thank him and Mrs. 
Lofft for their ' Reception of his Lady '; which shows he 
had not forgotten his manners, even with Reade and 
Lowe. How long the guest remained at Troston it is 
impossible to say with absolute precision — doubtless over 
the Christmas festivities. Then she returned to London 
in January, 1816, and went to Sir Francis Burdett's — 
who, though a Whig, was a gentleman — ^and must have 
stayed there a few weeks : time enough, at least, to make 
the address worth while transmitting to her husband, 
for you recall that in his interview with Nagle in Septem- 
ber he asks him to find out in London if his wife 'is 
still at Sir Francis Burdett's.' In all likelihood it was 
at the house of the Member for Westminster that she 
met Sir Robert Wilson, later on after his imprisonment, 
and gave him the opportimity to display that interest 
in her main aspiration which her husband acknowledges 
gratefully in the Letters. Then, on February 16, she 
took apartments at 2, Duncan Place, Leicester Square, 
in the house of a Mr. Smith, to whom she gave Bunbury as 
reference. As she was already in money straits — Piont- 
kowski, of course, could not provide for her ; she had no 
friends in London on a crumenal footing ; and Bathurst 
hardly felt justified in keeping her out of the original 
£8,000 a year — Smith verified the reference as early as 
March 2} The reply must have lulled any suspicion he 
may have had, for she stayed on tiU the middle of April. 
M. Masson, as we have seen, places her and Capel Lofit 
at Calais in ' March, 1816/ One would like his authority. 
She may have gone, of course ; but as she was so iU 

* CO., 247. 7. 


during the month that her maid, V. Sobr6 by name, 
writes a piteous letter to Bunbury about her,^ and as 
Capel Lofft was at Bury and travelling was not what it 
is to-day, the whole thing seems doubtful. If the visit 
was paid, it must have been a very fl3ang one indeed. 
Incidentally, we are assured that * the police commissary 
declined to let the Countess remain on French soil, and 
as Capel Lofft faisait I'insolent, he, too, had to go back 
with the lady ' (ii. 130). The notion of a man of Capel 
Lofft's years and position ' doing the insolent ' to a glori- 
fied French constable is exquisite ! Madame Piont- 
kowska's next move was to a French boarding-house at 
53, Frith Street, Soho Square, where Romilly had first 
imbibed Whiggism with his mother's milk, and where the 
notorious Swiss, Fauche-Borel, hatched his last Royalist 
plots. Here she resided till the end of the year, and 
from there plied Bathurst with a whole series of petitions, 
aU preserved in the Records, wherein she urges in a 
pathetic crescendo of postulation her heart's desire to 
rejoin her husband at St. Helena.* One passage — 
Octoba: 14 — typical of the whole, will suflftce : ' In this 
perplexity, I submit, my Lord, that because I am de- 
votedly attached to my Husband and because of the 
dangers to which I am exposed, I cannot live without 
him, and all my desire is to share his lot, whatever it 
may be, I beg you will give orders to bring about this 
reunion.' Though Bathmst granted her an interview 
with his secretary (and much good it did her !), the 
flippancy of his treatment of her does him discredit. 
Throughout he never gives her a simple truthful answer 
to her anxious inquiries as to the fate of her husband. 
Instead of plainly stating that he had ordered Piont- 
kowski's removal from St. Helena on June 26, he puts 

^ CO., 247. 7. * Ibid., and CO., 247. 11. 


her off repeatedly with ' he may have left the Island/ or 
' he may be at the Cape/ or ' he may have proceeded to 
America/ or ' he may be on his way to Europe/ etc., etc. 
The least one can say is that it was unkind. But it was 
part of the ' ennobled dullardry '; for in 1817 we find him 
doing the same thing in the case of Madame Las Cases, 
whose letters form a parallel series in the Records.^ 
There is not much to choose between the effusions of the 
two ladies. Madame Piontkowska's have rather more 
question-marks, and Madame Las Cases' rather more mis- 
spellings. [One mildly wonders at the spouse of the 
famous ' M. Lesage de FAtlas,' nSe de Kergariou, writing 
' ottorise ' for ' autorise ' and ' interrois ' for ' int6r6t.'] 
From Frith Street the lonesome wife not only sent news 
of herself to St. Helena, but also called upon the Skeltons 
on their arrival in England, and so obtained first-hand 
information as to the welfare, or otherwise, of the Cap- 
tain. Mrs. Skelton writes as follows to Las Cases on 
October 5 : * .... I have just seen Madame Piont- 
kowski {sic), who is still making every effort to join her 
Husband. Her friends have advised^ and I believe 
she is now decided on Availing herself, if not prevented, 
of the first opportunity of going by the Cape.'^ By the 
same mail Mrs. Skelton wrote also to Madame Bertrand : 
' , ... I was agreeably surprised by a visit from Madame 
Piontkowski. Her promptitude in tracing us the very 
day we quitted the Hotel in St. James' Street saved me a 
great deal of trouble in the inquiries we intended making 
for her, and proves her anxiety to obtain some informa- 
tion respecting her Husband, from whom she has never 
heard, neither, I believe, have any of the numerous 
letters she has written him been received. She is in a 
French Boarding-House in Frith Street, Soho Square, an 

* CO., 247. II. • L.P., 20,204, f* '9- 


exile from France and without friends in England, wait- 
ing only for permission to join her Husband, who she is 
always told is on his way home ; which, I think, must be 
a mistake, and of which she is so much convinced that 
she means, I believe, to apply again to Lord Bathurst 
and to go even by the circuitous route of the Cape, if she 
can obtain permission.'^ (The writer apparently con- 
tradicts herself in talking first of Madame Piontkowska's 
' friends ' and then of her being ' without friends/ Pre- 
sumably in the latter case she means, idiomatically, 
' relatives/) All entreaties were in vain, and though she 
got various people to intercede for her, like General 
Hammond on August 4 and Beckett of the Alien Office 
on the 28th,* Bathurst's petitioner was no nearer her 
goal at Christmas, what time she heard officially that 
Piontkowski had left St. Helena, and assumed he was 
on his way back to England. She removed at the end of 
December to 15, Duke Street, Grosvenor Square, and 
there awaited the return. Her last letter is dated 
February 19, 1817, and expresses to Goulbum her desire 
to join her husband at Portsmouth with the least delay.^ 
As a matter of fact, it was he who rejoined her in London 
and took her to Soho ; there to forget awhile the past 
year's adversity, whose sweetest use perhaps was, in days 
to come, to vouch for her wifely virtue. But I anticipate. 
Thus, I fancy, we can accoimt satisfactorily for Madame 
Piontkowska's whereabouts during her husband's absence. 
Firstly, Madame H6ry's, then the Loffts', next Burdett's, 
then a modest existence with one maid at Duncan Place, 
Frith Street, and Duke Street in succession. Might every 
grass widow give so clear an account of her late move- 
ments when her lord and master comes clattering home 
from abroad I 

* L.P., 20,117, f. 41. * CO., 247. 7. • CO., 247. II. 


En passant, M. Masson's aside doth much arride one : 
' Perhaps we should remember that Capel is the family 
name of the Earls of Essex/ Just so ; those wicked lords 
once more, and once again that ' little learning '! Capel 
is here a Christian name, of course, but peu importe I 

' A woman, a dog, and a walnut-tree. 
The more you beat 'em, the better they be I' 

And any stick is good enough to beat a woman with to 
improve her . . . memory ! I wot there were scions of 
the Capel tree whose blood ran hot i' the veins I And — 
to ape the strain — ' perhaps we should remember ' that 
Essex is an eastern county ; and from the East aforetime 
proceeded all myth and vain imagining ; and peradven- 
ture a grain thereof hath dropped and fouled the limpid 
fount of M. Masson's historical illation. Et patati I Et 
Patata/ ... Is it, I ask you, by means of such rati 
coincidence as the above that, in default of facts, a man's 
character is hinted away and a woman's good name ? 
That is not lettered criticism. It is * not cricket ' even. 
Or, at most, French cricket I 

The Orontes reached Spithead on February 15, 1817, 
where she found Plampin's Flagship, the Conqueror, on 
the eve of her departure for the Cape and St. Helena.^ 
Captain Cochrane had time to impart to his confrire 
Davie all the facts and the fictions of the Captivity down 
to date. In the light of all those future * survejrs,' it is 
a pity he did not advise him to look more closely into his 
stores before sailing.* What Cochrane and his sub- 
ordinates managed to elicit from Piontkowski on the 
journey did not amount to much : just enough to aliment 
yet another middy's mania for print in a Portsmouth 
journal. In accordance with Somerset's instructions, the 

^ See Logs, Appendix C. ' Appendix D. 


four Tepatnsited Foreigners were not to be allowed to land 
until Bathmst's wishes in r^ard to them had been made 
known. They themselves lost no time in speeding his 
decision. On the day of arrival Piontkowski wrote as 
f oUows to the Secretary of State : 

' Oronies, 
' Feb. 15, 1817. 

' Monsieur le Comte, 

" I should indeed be devoid of feeling if I failed 
to be infinitely touched by the good-will your Excellency 
has shown towards me. The conspicuous kindness 
{I'honneteti distinguie) with which I have been treated 
on English men-of-war and at St. Helena during the time 
Admiral Cockbum was in charge, as well as at the Cape 
of Good Hope, in all matters of acconmiodation and of 
keep, shows that the instructions sent out, as affecting 
my own person, were dictated by magnanimity, considera- 
tion and generosity. I b^ you to believe, my Lord, that 
I desire nothing better than that a happy change in 
circumstances should allow me to give free play to the 
sentiments of gratitude which animate me. It is my 
intention to proceed to the United States after touching 
in Italy the funds which I require. May I beg your 
Excellency to grant me authority to proceed thither and 
to have passports made out for me ? 

Jean Natale Santini, usher of the cabinet, solicits 
permission to proceed to Italy ; Theodore Rousseau, silver 
steward, and Olivier Archambault, groom, have chosen 
the United States for their future domicile. 

' I have the honour to be, with profound respect, 
gratitude and submission, of your Excellency the very 
obedient and obliged humble servant, 

* Piontkowski, 

• Chef d'Escadron/i 

* CO., 247. II. 


In the above letter the writer appears to protest too 
much, and some expressions seem touched with cant ; 
but, as a matter of fact, nothing had occurred to him 
personally, in the sixteen months which had elapsed, 
to have him abate from that sentiment of gratitude 
towards the Ministry with which he had originally quitted 
England, and which he blurted out in his first interview 
with the Emperor ; and the teUing exception he makes in 
the second sentence vouches for the sincerity of the first. 
He firmly believed at the time of writing that Lowe, and 
Lowe only, was responsible for all the various miseries, 
the semi-starvation and so forth, he and the others had 
experienced at St. Helena and for his deportation from 
thence.^ It was not till he had been in London some 
time that he learnt it was the Government which had 
ordered his removal, and even then he still saddled Lowe 
in the Letters, chiefly through ignorance, but also through 
parti-fris, with much that rightfully belonged to Bathurst. 
Had Piontkowski been bent upon giving the latter a 
foretaste of the Gourgaud manner, he would as a mere 
matter of policy have spared him that pointed and un- 
flattering inference respecting his agent in the Island. 

The three servants also wrote from the OrotUes for 
passports, Rousseau and Archambault jointly, and 
Santini on his own account, signing himself rather 
pompously * Usciere del Gabinetto, Guardiano del Porta- 

^ Piontkowski shared that opinion with all the other Followers. 
Later than this, on February 21, 1817, Montholon wrote : 
' O'Meara told us that there was a report in the town that the 
Governor had received despatches of high importance for us, 
and that he was strongly blamed by his Government for having 
given cause for our complaints, which had excited public opinion 
in our favour ' {RSciis, ii. 87). Again, on March 7 : ' The Com- 
missioners, whom General Gourgaud met in his walk, said that 
the English Ministers had censured Sir Hudson Lowe, and that 
there was a question of sending back Sir George Cockbum to St. 
Helena. The Emperor rejoiced at this news ' {Ibid,, p. 95). 


foglio/ The four passports, or rather permits to land and 
proceed to London, were sent by Bathnrst on the 17th, 
and their bearers lost no time in making for the Metro- 
polis.^ As we have seen, Piontkowski rejoined his long- 
expectant wife, and took rooms in the house of a Scots- 
man, Broadfoot by name, at 82, Berwick Street, Soho. 
Here he assumed, rightly or wrongly, a certain political 
importance ; and as he mingled with the Santini-Maceroni 
set who, under the supervision of Wilson and with the 
help of Holland, Burdett, and others, were initiating a 
Press and parliamentary campaign in favour of Napoleon, 
he naturally enough became suspect to the Government, 
and was noted by the police. He himself refrained from 
publication : the Emperor, the Letters tell us, had en- 
joined silence upon him ; and that he kept that silence 
even where he might well have made an exception is 
proved by a reference to him in a letter of Capel Lofft to a 
friend, in March, in which he states almost complainingly 
that, though Piontkowski writes him on various subjects, 
yet on this important one of the Emperor's treatment 
' he is silent/ Howbeit on his own confession, as we 
shall see presently, he helped the production of the 
' Santini ' brochiire by supplying Maceroni (who wrote 
it) with various items : so that on the quod facU per 
alium principle, ' mum ' with him was not aUogether the 
word I Such ' mumming ' as that very soon turned to 
humming ; and on March 10, Holland, in the House of 
Lords, gave notice of a Motion for the production of 
' papers that may serve to make known the treatment of 
Bonaparte.' On March 12, the Morning Chronicle an- 

^ ' The Orontes, Cpt. Cochrane, arrived on Saturday afternoon 
at Portsmouth. She left St. Helena on the 4th ulL, having had 
a good passage of 36 days (sic). She has brought to England 
Col. Ponitowski, the Polish Officer who followed Bonaparte to 
St. Helena ' (Morning Chronicle, February 18, 1817). 


nounced that ' A Copy of the Memorial presented by 
Napoleon to Sir Hudson Lowe [Montholon's Letter], on 
his treatment in the Island of St. Helena, has reached 
our hands. We shall endeavour to lay a translation of 
it before our readers to-morrow.' On the 13th, the promise 
was kept : ' We this day insert the Memorial of Napoleon. 
... It will be published this day by Ridgway both in 
English and French, from the copy brought from St. 
Helena by Mons. Santini.' Then follows the Letter — 
two colmnns of small print. This copy brought by 
' Mons.' Santini, we have seen, was confided and pre- 
sented after use to Wilson, in whose Papers it now finds 
a place. When O'Meara, in his Exposition, quoting a 
statement of Ridgway, assures us that Wilson had 
nothing to do with Santini's publications, he is not telling 
the strict truth. Wilson did not, of course, write the 
Appeal, as both Gourgaud^ and, stranger still, Piont- 
kowski* asserted ; but he certainly overlooked the pro- 
duction, and probably corrected the manuscript. Like 
the great Protest itself, in the figure of the Quarterly,^ 
the Appeal may be said to have been triformis Chinuera : 
Santini supplied the framework, Maceroni the integimient, 
and Wilson the finishing touches of the fetlock and dew- 
lap variety — a few vertebrae, perhaps, may be put down 
to Piontkowski. Holland's Motion was debated in the 
Lords on March 18, by Bathurst, Buckingham, and 
Damley ; the papers asked for were refused, and on the 
2ist Holland and Damley entered a protest against the 
action of the Government. 

Meanwhile Piontkowski had made a rencontre. At the 
apartment house in Soho a Mr. Jardine was staying, 
previous to his taking up his duties as surgeon of the 

^ Lowe to Bathurst, March 15, z8x8, CO., 247. 13. 
• See post, * xvi. 505. 


Ocean store-ship, then loading for St. Helena. On the 
eve of his departure from London, about March 15 
or 16 — the ship must have sailed on the 20th — he 
approached Piontkowski with a request for an introduc- 
tion, and under the impression, as he subsequenily said, 
that he was being given such, took charge of a relatively 
bulky packet for Gourgaud. One is forcibly reminded 
of the Nagle Affair, the other way round ; and though the 
initial dispositions were different, the ultknate discom- 
fitiure was the same. Lowe relates the matter officially 
to Bathuist on June 7, 1817, as follows : 

' ... On the arrival of the Ocean store-ship [May 27] 
the Master [Johnson] brought a printed paper in the form 
of a pamphlet, under the title of a LeUer wriUen by Order 
of the Emperor Napoleon, being the same which has 
appeared in all the public papers, signed in the name of 
Ct. Montholon. It was merely an English translation of 
Ct. M.'s Letter, not accompanied by the original French 
nor preceded by the statement that has appeared in 
the name of Santini, and published together with Ct. M.'s 
Letter in a pamphlet under the title of An Appeal to the 
British People. This paper, such as it was, was put up in 
a loose scrap of common writing-paper with some writing 
upon it, and had been deUvered to Mr. Johnson by the 
surgeon of his ship, by name Mr. Jardine, who had 
received it from Piontkowski. . . . Mr. Jardine, whom 
I interrogated immediately afterwards, told me he had 
applied to Piontkowski (who was living in the same 
lodging-house with him in London) for an introduction 
to some person at St. Helena, who could procure him the 
opportunity of an interview with Napoleon, and that the 
papers in question, as well the printed one as its envelope 
(both of which were intended for General Gourgaud), 
were delivered to him by Piontkowski for the above 


purpose. On looking into the papers I read in MS. on 
that entitled Letter, etc., the address and passage tran- 
scribed in the annexed enclosure No. i, in the handwriting 
of Piontkowski. The printed Letter besides contained 
various interlineations, some written in French and some 
in English, appearing to be corrections for the press, 
and leading one to infer the paper had served as one of 
the proof-sheets, and had been given to Piontkowski for 
rectification. The paper which served as cover had 
writing on it in the same hand, or very closely resembling 
it, and has been transcribed in the annexed enclosure 
No. 2. . . . I have compared this handwriting in the 
papers with a letter in my possession written by Opt. P., 
and find it to be the same. The whole contains evident 
proof of the statement which has appeared in the name 
of Santini being entirely a printed forgery and fabrica- 
tion, and if any further proof was wanting of his incom- 
petency for such a production, it is contained in the 
annexed original of a letter addressed by Santini himself 
to Sir T. Reade as he was on his passage by this Island.^ 
Santini here was a common domestic, and occasionally 
employed as a tailor.'^ 

The inference Lowe draws regarding the interlineations 
on what he terms the ' paper ' is probably erroneous : 
the * corrections ' were more likely made by Piontkowski 
— if he and he alone made them ; and why should they 
be ' some in English, some in French ' ? — on the actual 
published pamphlet, and not on the proof-sheet, which 
besides has other obvious characteristics. If so, such 
after-corrections would form a parallel series to one added 
as a sort of postscript to the Letters, and referring to the 
Appeal as those did to Montholon's Letter. These emenda- 

^ See p. 120. 

' L.P., 2o,xx8, f. 426. Forsyth's summary is inaccurate. 


tioQS are so trivial and so decousu that I have not thought 
it necessary to give them even in Appendix A. The 
important thing here is not these rectifications, whenceso- 
ever they proceeded, but the two clandestine memoranda 
undoubtedly in Piontkowski's hand, and intended for 
Gourgaud's private perusal. These ' annexed enclosures ' 
do not figure, as they should, in the Lowe Papers — Gorre- 
quer for once must have taken an hour oflf — ^but, fortu- 
nately, they are enshrined in the Records. ' No. i ' 
was as follows : 

' Lord Holland has asked [i.e., moved] for copies of 
all the instructions and correspondence. He has written 
me a very obliging lett^. General Wilson has written 
a brochure which will appear in French and English in 
Santini's name, to whom I have given sundry pieces. 
I have made him sign a letter to controvert the news- 
papers which have mentioned an old imiform the Em- 
peror is said to have presented him with, and other 
similar absurdities. I have given it to the editor of the 
Morning Chronicle with this letter by {sic) the Ocean. 
I am afraid I shall be arrested to-day. They have 
summoned me for noon at the Police Station.'^ 

Now, what had he been up to ? For he seemingly 
lacks that serenity of mind which comes of conscious 
rectitude. Frankly, I surmise that he is giving himself 
here, with pardonable vanity, an undue political im- 
portance, thanks to his polemical relations with the 
Opposition and his ' obliging ' epistles from the Whig 
nobility, and that his passage at Bow Street was likely 
enough for some small formaUty or other, such as the 
verification of his papers or the identification of his wife — 
of anything at all felonious, of course, there was at no 
time the very slightest suggestion. Enclosure 'No. 2' 

was briefer : 

* CO., 247. 9. 


' I have sent the boite i th6 to Madame G(otu^aud) at 
Paris. I have given news to the Families. R(onsseau) 
and A(rchambault) have left for America. Great changes 
for Tuesday, 19th March \sic\. All is going well until . . .' ^ 

The which, in four lines, at last fixes that tea-caddy, 
buoys up Bertrand and Montholon and even the Em- 
peror, god-speeds the two servants, and pathetically 
discloses what fooFs paradise the friends of Napoleon 
were living in and the roseate hopes centred on that field- 
day of the i8th. And that final aposiopesis has its 
virtue : for the twist you give it is the gauge of your 
sympathy with the Captive. 

Piontkowski must have been sorely disiUusionnS by the 
turn of the great Debate, and seems to have contemplated 
as speedy a departure from London on his ' mission ' to 
Italy as was consistent with the receipt of funds from 
abroad, and on March 28 writes to Castlereagh for a, 
foreign passport, and naively asks him whether it can 
protect him 'from any measures taken against him 
abroad/^ The only possible reply is returned the next 
day, that a Foreign Office passport is only valid for British 
subjects, and that he must take his chance with the 
document dcs complaisance he possesses. As we shall see, 
he stood a very poor chance indeed when he did start 
upon his travels. But for the present he remained in 
England awaiting the wherewithal. That he received at 
this time various stuns of money from friends of Napoleon 
and the ' Cause ' is certain, though the two receipts in 
Appendix A refer to later and more important pa3rments. 
Gourgaud deposes as much from the information picked 
up by Cipriani at the sea-gate on the arrival of the 
Ocean and the other store-ships (see Appendix B) ; and 
he rather sneers at Piontkowski for placing himself under 

* CO., 247. 9. ■ CO,, 247. II. 



such obligations. Wherefore ? What was the use of the 
Uvret given him by the Emperor on his departure if he 
was not to turn it to account ? Of course, he was helped 
by Holland and other partisans and sympathizers. They 
all were in turn ; and every repatriated Exile and every 
Imperial Follower that needed it, iiidxether before or after 
Napoleon's death, most natmally applied to the Fanuly 
and the Friends. Goiurgaud himself did so, O'Meara, 
Santini, Antommarchi, even the lackadaisical Planat, and 
he had never been within a thousand miles of the Rock. 
As for that additional piece of gossip that Piontkowski 
out of these small subsidies was ' playing the game in 
the West,' sporting a private coach {raulait carrosse), and 
generally living up to the armorial bearings on its panels, 
we may dismiss it as twaddle. No doubt he may have 
hired a conveyance once or twice to pay a formal call on 
a Burdett or a Bunbury, or to look up in decent wise 
Capel Lo£Et when he came to Town. But is it likely that 
he would be throwing banknotes about and making a 
' splash ' with the denizens of Mayf air from a ' first- 
front ' in a Berwick Street lodging-house, where, by way 
of gilded sangrazuls, he meets the Scotch Sangrado of a 
second-rate store-ship ? The thing is absurd. 

April Piontkowski spent in London. He saw some- 
thing of leading Whjgs, such as Romilly, then opposing 
tooth and nail the policy of governing by suspension of 
the Habeas Corpus, who thought him rather prone to 
exaggerate : he was sought out by editors of Opposition 
journals, who ' nosed copy ' in him, while the Government 
organs naturally abused him : and he was requested by 
Wilson to set down those ' items of information ' which 
subsequently constituted the Letters. At the end of the 
month he seems to have doubted the possibility of carry- 
ing out his plan of proceeding to Italy, and applied to 


Ct. Lieven, Russian Ambassador to St. James\ for a 
passport to Poland. Lieven, who probably had been set 
against him months before at St. Helena by Balmain's 
communications, refused the request, and the Pole, thus 
ungenerously denied access to his native land, went back 
to his original intention. His Biographer gives us a 
curious account of a supposed interview with Castle- 
reagh, into which he was tricked by the assurance he 
was about to speak with an influential member of the 
Opposition : as there is no other record of this strange 
piece of hanky-panky, one takes the item for what it is 
worth. In llay Piontkowski accepted vdth his wife 
Capd Lofft's invitation to Troston Hall, where amongst 
others he met the Ipswich blue-stocking, Mrs. Cobbold, 
and the daughter of the house, Laura, the future Lady 
Trevdyan, who at a later period sketched the only portrait 
of him known, forming the frontispiece of this volume. 
I surmise he talked over vdth his host Wilson's request 
for a written relation of his St. Helena experiences, and 
that it was at the Lofits' instance that he decided to 
oblige the General. This he appears to have done about 
the b^inning of July. The Letters are all undated and 
(with one exception) unsigned ; they were transmitted 
by hand ; and are placed in the bound volume of the 
Wilson Papers in no sort of order (in one case the two 
halves are some dozen folios apart), and one can only 
assign from internal evidence the approximate period. 
I have therefore run or even pieced them together into 
a continuous narrative, to spare the reader the ceaseless 
dodging in and out imposed upon me by an incurious 
official. The pre&tory fragment and the long letter 
which takes us from La Malmaison to Torbay were 
written presumably between July i and 10. The writer 
was still without sufficient funds to proceed to Italy, for 


the £80 received ' from an unknown hand ' on May 8 
(Appendix A) must have kept him and his wife in London 
after their return from Troston. But on July 12 he was 
paid by Baring Brothers, on Madame M^e's behalf, the 
sum of £240 — ^not guineas, as M. Masson states — ^being 
the first instalment of the two years' salary granted him 
by Napoleon at his departure from the Island. The 
copy of the receipt is appended to his third letter — ^in 
logical sequence — which treats of the farewell on the 
Northufkberland, There must have been a considerable 
interval between the second and the third letters, spent, 
no doubt, in making preparations for departure, ever 
imminent, now possible, and repeatedly put ofE. For in 
a note to the latter he states : ' I am leaving in three 
days for Italy.' This fixes its date about the beginning 
of August ; and he must have extended the ' three days ' 
to a fortnight or so, partly for the purpose of completing 
the series : as it is, whereas the first two letters are very 
carefully written, the remainder bear traces of a hurried 
quill. (He was inditing other epistles besides, and on 
August 4 sends one to Goulbum for transmission to 
Bertrand.)^ Conscious of his shortcomings, he apologizes 
to Wilson for his scrawl. Sir Robert, familiar with Capel 
Lofft's matchless cacography, must have deemed it com- 
parative copperplate.* 

* CO., 247. II. 

^ Piontkowski's writing is an interesting pne to the grapholo- 
gist and is full of character, good and bad points being about 
equally divided. It is more Germanic than Romance, and even 
without the occasional mis-spelling or solecism one would infer 
that French was not the writer's mother-tongue. The quaint 
diaeresis over the ' y ' (never over the ' u ') suggests at first a 
familiarity with Dutch (where it is strictiy a dot apiece over the 
' i ' and ' j/ together forming a ' y '), but here merely points 
to a rather sttrannS French custom which was fast dying out at 
the Revolution. Danican writes ' cito^en,' Gouvion signs himself 
' St. Cyr/ Cassanyes (sic) gives us ' voyia/ ' may.' etc.. in their 


Having written the Letters, supplied the Opposition 
with some material items, done his best to further the 
cause of the Captive, and incidentally seen a fair amoimt 
of English life, social and political, Piontkowski now 
attempted to carry out his mission, and on August 23, 
1817, quitted our hospitable shores. His subsequent 
adventures in foreign lands I need but briefly summarize. 
Having set sail from Liverpool — ^rumour had it, for the 
United States — he put in at Gibraltar for a while, and 
reached Genoa at the beginning of November. Foreign 
Governments had been apprized of his movements by 
our own, which saw apparently all manner of dire political 
possibilities in his mission (the French police, going one 
better, made him out the pivot of a ridiculous plot, 
' faked ' ad hoc !), and no sooner had he announced his 
anchorage in the Ligurian waters than he was summarily 
and, in contempt of all laws ever framed, forcibly appre- 
hended and incarcerated first at Alexandria and then 
at Pavia; and finally, after such indignities had been 
heaped upon him as the confiscation of his papers and 
correspondence, the pillage of his belongings, and the 
theft of most of the money he possessed, handed over to 
the Austrian authorities for safe keeping. Then came 
a protracted captivity for Napoleon's quite harmless ex- 
Follower, on the principle, I suppose, of 'like master 
like man.' He was confined in a fort at Mantua, and 
then at Josephstadt, under the gaol-name of Georges 
Homemann. That invested him with a cloak of mystery, 

holograph letters. But they were the exception. Piontkowski'a 
capital letters in the main betray vanity and indecision ; but his 
own initial is almost Elizabethan in its firmness and scope. 
Perhaps M. Masson is right after all, and the restless Pole was 
an ' Adventurer ' — ^in the Elizabethan sense, however. Rather 
manqu^, if yon will ; but the seeds were there. 

As for his style, suffice it to say that it is artless and to the 
point, and as such entirely in his favour. 


suggestive of various dUenus of the past very much more 
prominent than he : and quidnuncs even were heard to 
opine that the ' state prisoner ' in their midst was the 
black sheep of some sovereign House. In March, 1820, 
Piontkowski was set free, and assigned Gratz as a place 
of residence, with the proviso that he should in no ways 
engage in political intrigue, nor attempt to leave the 
country without authority. Here he was rejoined by his 
wife, who, already in failing health, had gone, perhaps for 
the sea-trip, to the United States, and spent some time, 
presumably, amongst the laige Bonapartist colony there 
established. With Napoleon's death all restrictions im- 
posed upon the ex-FoUower were ipso facto taken of!. 
He spent the next four or five years in fitful attendance 
upon J6rdme, who took a fancy to him and employed him 
on sundry confidential missions, and he seems to have 
come into close contact with all the members of the 
Imperial Family. He was none too weU off, and ques- 
tions of money due or not due to him out of the Emperor's 
estate were agitated ad nauseam during pretty well the 
whole period. In 1826 he was allowed to return to France 
for good, and after a fiyixtg visit in the spring of 1827 to 
London (whence he writes, on March 28, that the cost 
of living is prohibitive, and Lord Holland and the Duke 
of Devonshire have tried in vain to get him some fiduciary 
post on a nobleman's estate), resided mostly at Paris, 
where he formed a close personal friendship with Aim6 
Martin,^ and at Tours, where he met once again his old 

*■ Piontkowski kept up a correspondence with Aim6 Blarttn 
extending over a space of years. Five of his letters, dated 
variously 1827 to 1831 passed at the Paul Dablin Sale into the 
possession of Mr, A. M. Broadley, the Napoleonic Collector and 
Author, to whose kindneas I owe the privilege of a glance over 
them. One letter makes a short reference to his St. Helena Uie, 
which was mainly reprinted in the Dablin Sale Catalogue— where 
I surmise M. Masson found it (ii. 172). 


Elban chief. Baron JersExnanowski, who showed him 
much kindnesG, and took chaige of his wile, then rapidly 
dying of dropsy, duripg an enforced absence in Belgium 
in September of that year. In the summer of 1828 (not 
1829, ^ ^* Masson states) he lost Madame Piontkowska, 
whom, for all their frequent partings, proloQged absences 
and endless vicissitudes, he seems to have been devotedly 
attached to, and tenderly nursed to the last. He fell into 
a deep dejection. So listless was he that he could not 
be aroused to consider a proposal in December of that 
year to publish his life's ' Memoirs,' or even his recollec- 
tions of St. Helena ; besides, as he put it modestly : ' I 
am only a pigmy, and so much has been written about 
Napoleon '^ven at that period! He asseverates his 
lifeloQg devotion to Napoleon, his memory and his cause, 
his boundless enthusiasm for the Great Man's qualities of 
mind and heart, his desire to spare certain unworthy 
members of the St. Helena circle, and frankly gives us, at 
that distance of time, the simple and, I think, true reason 
for his voluntary exile to the Rock : ' I never had any 
other motive than my admiration, any other ambition 
than to serve him as best I could.'^ 

The Revolution of 1830 once more drove him bom 
France, and he sought refuge at Geneva, where he resided 
with a Russian passport imtil June 21, 1831, first at the 
Place St. Antoine, and then at the Place Maurice in the 
old ciiS. Here the information vouchsafed by the local 
record is, I r^et to say, of the meagrest description.* 

^ Santini, though unfriendly to and jealous of the Polish 
Officer, assigned in his day the same simple reason : ' Le Colonel 
polonais, plus fran^ais de coenr que bien des Fran9ais» homme 
k forte conviction, que son attachement seul k TEmpereur avoit 
conduit k Ste. H616ne ' (p. 266). 

' I regret my failure for a more personal reason, if such I may 
in fine obtrude. It is one of my boyish memories that my 
maternal great-grandfather, Aim6 de St. Macaire, who for many 


One thing is certain, however : he did not then contract 
the second marriage which M. Masson places at Geneva. 
We lose practically all traces of him. Like his early 
years, his later ones are wrapped in obscurity. He 
tarried at Berne and Bile, and left Switzerland for South 
Germany, where he appears to have led a wandering life 
for years> settling in fine at Regensburg. Here he died 
in 1849. 

Not very long before his death an interesting ceremony 
took place at Paris, which, when he heard of it, must 
have deeply moved him on national, and even more 
on personal, grounds. The Society of Polish Refugees 
in the Metropolis was presented officially in the person 
of Colonel Skrodski with a clS ordinaire of the room in 
which Napoleon was bom, ' to serve as token to the whole 
Polish Nation and proof of its fidelity to the Emperor.' 

Than with that ' ordinary key ' I cannot better close 
this very imperfect account of one who, through a life 
chequered beyond the lot of most, sent out his heart un- 
swervingly to the great Idol he had traversed the seas 
to serve in all simplicity, with a devotion that could 
dispense with tokens, with a fidelity that needed not the 
proving of cold iron. 

years dwelt in that historic home of liberty, told me he had 
warmly espoused the cause of Polish freedom in the thirties and 
forties of tiie last century and had personally assisted more than 
one refugee. The name of one was not a hundred miles ofE 
Piontkowski's own — ^the hapless FoUower may weU have been 
another. Perhaps it is no mere idle fancy of mine, that I have 
hereby thrown a few bookish and broken lights upon a life one I 
recall so well may not impossibly have gladdened once with the 
more quickening gleam of sympathy. 






I have great pleasure in meeting with all possible 
speed the demand you did me the honour of addressing 
to me last April, and herewith send you the various items 
of information you asked for respecting the Emperor 
Napoleon and the conditions of his present detention in 
the Island of St. Helena. The name you bear, the 
character that is yours, and the solicitous concern you 
manifest for the rights of nations and of mankind in 
general are to me so many guarantees for a whole-hearted 
confidence on my part, even if the noble treatment you 
have extended to my wife had not already induced me to 
break in your favour the silence I have kept hitherto, 
which has exposed me to oniversal reproach. The possi- 
bility of your wielding a happy influence for the mitigation 
of the Great Man's actual circumstances is, I need not 
say, an additional inducement. Let me at the outset 
give you the grounds on which I determined to remain 

' Besides one or two more important mis-statements which 
I have set right* Piontkowski falls into a few trivial errors of 
time or place, person or fact, which will be so obvious to the 
stodent of the period, that I have not thought it necessary to 
point them out or give them an exaggerated prominence by 
correction. I prefer to let his pages stand as they were written. 
As an instance of the sort of thing I mean, it was not from Niort 
but from Poitiers that Bonnef oox was apprized of the Emperor's 
imminent arrival at Rochefort ; it was on April 14, and not 15, 

that Lowe reached St. Helena ; and it was £12, 000, and not £20,000, 
that the Treasury allowed for Napoleon and his suite. 



mute and inactive while the whole of Europe was ringing 
with the indignation that I shared at the conduct of the 
Governor of St. Helena. 

Deprived of all intercourse with the outer world, unable 
to correspond with his Relatives, and denied even the 
perusal of periodicals,^ the Emperor fe in complete ignor- 

^ Of course, this is an exaggeration, though one sees what the 
writer means. The Emperor was d^iied the privilege of sub- 
sending regularly to English or French periodicals : ' In respect 
to subscribing for any particular paper, review, etc., even supposing 
it to be the Courier or the Quarterly Review, and not the Morning 
Chronicle or the Edinburgh, I conceive inconvenience might 
arise ' (Lowe to Goulbum, April 3, xSxS, L.P., 20,122, f. 17). 
His supply of papers varied with the season, and depended 
pretty much on the humour of Lowe or the complaisance of the 
Admiral. Sets of the Times (with suppressions) were his most 
frequent source of information, well-nigh the sole during the first 
year or two. But the grievance was not so much the dearth 
of periodicals or books which St. Helena, as a whole, suffered from, 
but the fitful censorship exercised over such as did arrive. Lowe 
esqpatiates upon his ' invidious duties ' in an interesting letter 
to Lady Holland, dated March 5, 1821 : ' The use I make of my 
discretion in such instances (a prerogative very rarely indeed 
exerted by me) is frequently guided by local circumstances' 
(L.P., 20,132, f. 205). Truth and logic considered, Lowe got his 
two adverbs mixed up. It was of smaU moment to Napoleon 
to peruse eleven reports of quite uninteresting Parliamentary 
debates, when the twelfth was denied him because it dealt with 
his own situation. Had Lowe, as King's Officer, been the only 
censor (as was generaUy supposed), there might have been 
some method in this particular pettiness. But he delegated his 
' prerogative,' to Reade and to others. In June, 1819, for example, 
papers come containing statements by O'Meara and Stokoe. 
Lowe sends them to Plampin, to be passed on to Longwood, but 
leaves it to the Admiral to retain certain numbers, as possibly 
' likely to lead astray ' his prisoners. The latter has no hesita- 
tion, and goes one better than the Governor : ' Seeing no good 
reason for gratifying the people at Longwood with the infamous 
falsehoods they contain, I did not forward them ' (L.P., 20,126, 
f. 449). Plampin's motives had the sailor's directness and 
simplicity, Lowe's something of .the scribe's subtiety. The 
Admiral detested the Frenchmen^one and all, and begrudged 
them any passing pleasure or gratification whatever. The 
Governor could see tiiat the more preposterous the fables and 


ance of all that is taking place in Europe ; and at my 
enforced removal from St. Helena (ordered by the English 

ou^i the statements about him officially allowed to reach the 
Exiles, the more flattering would be the expectations formed by 
them, and the more top-heavy the fabric of false hopes they 
built up ; hence the bitterer the gall of their ultimate awaken- 
ing — ^when, as they say, he would ' get his own back/ That lasting 
canker were far more telling than any momentary slight of depriva- 
tion could be, and would eventually leave his Prisoner more 
abattu and tractable than before. If Lowe desisted, I take it, 
it was through fear that during their ephemeral elation his charges 
would prove more stiff-necked and troublesome than ever 
(cf. Lowe to Thornton, L.P., 20,131, f. 159). 

If the matter sent was censored, so was the mode of sending. 
' The Paper called The Champion for Aug. 8, 1819, being evidently 
sent in irifdicate for a designing purpose, I did not transmit to 
Longwood ' (L.P., 20,130, f. 260). Triplication, one had thought, 
was the very antithesis of the clandestine. Napoleon appealed 
for reading matter from a variety of motives ; one such is note- 
worthy : ' They particularly desired to obtain all Publications 
that appeared about General Bonaparte, those of Correspondence 
especially : that it was extremely disagreeable to him to find false 
correspondence published, such as that with Bemadotte, which 
was aU forged, and with Camot and Fouch6, which was partly 
so likewise. Gen. B. was very desirous of the opportunity of 
seeing that all appeared, and the ftJsehoods might be easily proved 
by the Public Archives. They were much in want also of News- 
papers, not having received a regular series for a long time past 
of some of those they had particularly desired to be sent to them. 
The last received were a few of the ConsHMionnel, but none of 
the Minerve or the Morning Chronicle. They had lent some 
French papers to the Marquis de Montchenu, but did not think 
it convenable to ask him to lend them any. . « . They were anxious 
for the works of Madame de StaSl in French. Also a recent 
publication by Fleuxy de Chaboulon' (Gorrequer's Minutes of 
Interview between Lowe and Montholon, May 2, 1820, L.P., 20, 130, 
f . 4). Whence, three weeks after : ' Count Montiiolon having asked 
the Orderly Officer for the last number of the Edinburgh Review, 
1 sent that for October, 18x9, it containing nothing which bore 
any relation to Gen. Bonaparte and his afiEairs' (Lowe to Bathurst, 
May 21, 1820, L.P., 20,130, f. 60). Presumably the numbers 
that did — and, as a matter of fact, this one contained a review 
of Hook's and O'Meara's pamphlets — ^were mutilated and sent 
over to the Public Library for the benefit of Schoolmaster Firmin's 
flock. Again : ' The Repulse brought Papers up to Jan. 13th, 
in the latest of which was the Declaration (rf the Allied Sovereigns 


Government because I had signed a Declaration^ which he 
himself had dictated to me) my august Master com- 

from Troppau. The reference this paper bears to Gen. Bona- 
parte and its contents in general led me to imagine he would 
seek to make some communications to his partisans in relation 
to it, and I therefore resolved on not sending tiie paper ; for which 
I shall probably be assailed hereafter, having received a note 
from Ct. Montholon requesting in a very particular manner I 
would send him the Papers up to the day of the vessel leaving 
England ' (Lowe to Bathurst, March i8, 1821, L.P., 20,132, 
f. 274). Indeed, an easy prognostic I But the Declaration 
leaked out all the same, and Reade's saugrenu ascription thereto 
we have already seen (p. 17). The round for fresh reading matter 
was usuaUy Lowe, Plampin, the Commissioners, Longwood, 
though sometimes the Admiral yields to the Representatives. 
So that Napoleon got it at fifth or sixth hand. On a single 
recorded occasion, during the Last Illness, the Captive got the 
papers at first hand (L.P., 20,132, f. 24). Balmain and Stfirmer 
return l^e ' packets ' with short, poHte notes ; Montchenu with 
criticisms, especially on volumes of Memoirs, and Plaxnpin with 
his customary sneer at the Exile, ' that the mighty man may not 
be long deprived on my account' (L.P., 20,130, f. 27). In 
Malcolm's year, of course, Longwood was supphed direct from 
the Flagship as weU as from Plantation, much to the disgust of 
Lowe and Reade, who hadn't that particular Admiral in their 
pocket. ' I have seen the Admiral and he mentioned your 
having asked for a newspaper ... it was mislaid and he couldn't 
find it. You may depend it is gone as I expected ' (Reade to 
Lowe, Jan. 4, 1817, L.P., 20,118, f. 10). Later on. Lady Holland 
(with an occasional friend) did her best to keep Napoleon supphed 
with up-to-date reading. In the interesting list of some 150 
books received from her Ladyship at Longwood, on July i, 
1820, figures the Histoire de la Premise Qmnzaine de Juin, 1820 
{sic), (L.P., 20,130, f. 193). It is pathetic to see amongst the last 
lots sent to Longwood a Syst$m of Education for the Infani King of 
Rome, the Mimoires Historiqucs et Secrets de I'ImpSratrice Josi- 
phine, and a Jugemeni Impartial swr NapMon (L.P., 20,132, 
f. 248). On February 28, 1821, came ' a smaU box containing 
an Exposition of the System of Gall and Spurzheim ; the which had 
Antommarchi but inwardly digested, he might have been moved 
to purloin for us the whole of Burton's cast of the most perfect 
head ever moulded by Nature (see Appendix B, end). The 
last consignment received by Napoleon was not Bathurst's on 
March 14, 1821, as one gathers from M. Gonnard (p. 18, 

^ See ante, p. 82, 


manded me to proceed from Malta, whither Sir Hudson 
Lowe had told me I should be sent direct from the Cape 
and there detained, and straightway rejoin the Imperial 
Family, for the purpose of placing before them a trust- 
worthy report of the terms and circumstances of his 
Captivity. He was far from thinking that I should be 
landed in England and granted immediate and plenary 
civil liberty ; and he especially impressed upon me the 
necessity for prudent and discreet silence, and the fact 
that I must lose no time in compassing my object, nor 
jeopardize its attainment by any unauthorized publica-^ 
tion whatever. Further, I deemed that General Mon- 
tholon's Letter^ I had committed to memory would suffice 
to impart to the world the true^ situation of the Emperor, 
which, be it said, is even more painful than his pride 
allows him to depict in that document. My chief object, 
therefore, was to seek as speedily as I could the relatives of 
the Emperor : I had to find pecuniary means for so doing, 
and any imprudent action on my part might have led to 

Eng. Ed.), but fhe two cases sent by Lady Holland on Decem- 
ber 19, 1820, which reached Longwood on March 16 (L.P., 20,132, 
f. 256). One case alcHie consisted of 147 volumes, a more ' munifi- 
cent ' gift than the Secretary's, which ran to twenty-eight books 
aU told. Had the various senders employed a bookseller, the 
results might have proved more satisfactory. Often maps, 
diagrams, etc., were forgotten, and ' Campaigns ' sent out without 
their proper plans ; whence complaints to Lowe (L.P., 20,132, 
f. 219). 

^ Lowe alwu]^ refers to the great ' Protest ' as ' Ct. Montholon's 
letter without date.' Writers have dated it variously from 
August 18 to 25, 1816. Captain Poppleton's note settles the matter. 
' I have the honour to forward 3rou a letter given to me first last 
night which I intended to have forwarded immediately, but 
Ct. Montholon wished to know if he could get it back again should 
Napoleon wish any alteration. I told him certainly. In about 
an hour he demanded it, and it was not returned to me until 
} past 8 this morning — ^Aug. 24, 1816' (L.P., 20,115, f. 410). 
The same day O'Meara announced to Gorrequer the despatch 
of the ' grand letter.' 


failure. So tax, I have been unable to accomplish my 
mission for lack of funds — the Emperor had none to 
dispose of at St. Helena — ^and I must await them from 
the Continent. Though, as I have explained, I have 
thought silence incumbent upon me and have refrained 
from any unauthorized conmiunication or publication, 
yet in this present case I am sure I run no risks in giving 
to a man of your honourable traditions and your personal 
distinction the report you ask me for, which it would 
really be a spiritless act on my part to withhold, seeing 
that I am able to show that Sir Hudson Lowe is acting 
against his instructions, and does not even trouble to 
inform his Government of the needless, ridiculous and 
vexatious restrictions he has imposed upon the Emperor 
Napoleon, which are enumerated in his letter of October 
last to Count Bertrand. The English Government, in 
appointing Sir Hudson Lowe to a post the maladminis- 
tration of which would naturally compromise the good 
name of the whole British nation, credited him with such 
sentiments as honour and delicacy : his behaviour and 
his methods have shown that he knew but the mere 
shadow of the words. It is futile for his present defenders 
to seek an excuse in the position he occupies : I disagree 
wholly with such attempts at exculpation. The fuU 
odium of the charge fell normally upon Admiral Sir Geoige 
Cockbum as the firs^ custodian ; yet if we draw any 
comparison between him and his successor, it is the in- 
civility and evil nature of Sir Hudson Lowe that strike 
us at once. The Admiral was entrusted with the safe- 
keeping of the Emperor, who had descended straight 
from the Throne and saw himself with dramatic sudden- 
ness treated in a manner unworthy of his person and of 
an Administration in whose generosity he had placed his 
belief. Thus Napoleon and the officers of his suite could 


look upon Cockbum but as the instrument of an iniqui- 
tous and barbarous Government : they were prejudiced 
against the man even before knowing him properly. He 
had, moreover, countless difficulties to surmount. When 
he reached St. Helena with his august charge, he found 
no suitable dwelling-house for the Captive, no furniture, 
no food. His enexgy and — why should I not say it ? — 
his generosUy^ accomplished such wonders that the 

^ Not so generous alter all, especially as the Treasury footed 
the bill for ' the orazy furniture and the rotten articles/ as 
Napoleon termed it to O'Meara. ' I have had much di£5iculty 
in finding the furniture required for such a house as Long- 
wood. ... I have been forced to purchase everything necessary. 
I have, however, procured almost all the articles at second- 
hand and at the cheapest rate at which they could be got' 
(Cockbum to Croker, December 13, 1815, CO., 247. 7). Despite 
an occasional attempt at liberality, it must be owned that, on the 
whole, Napoleon was found and furnished by the authorities 
with much of that fripief^s thrift made classic at Elsinore-^and 
this from first to last. The earliest instance I find is the fore- 
going ; the final is the Fimeral Car. ' The old carriage was broken 
up in a great degree to form the Funeral Car ; as an object of 
curiosity only it can now. remain to be disposed of ' (Lowe to 
Bathurst, May 26, 1821, L.P., 20,133, ^* 246). The ' old carriage,' 
you remember, was the one Cockburn had purchased from 
Governor Wilkes on his arrival (L.P., 20,114, f. 253) and which 
was supplemented a little later by the Cape phaeton, paid for 
by the Emperor himself (CO., 247. 5) and given eventually to 
Madame Bertrand. After rattling four, and even six-in-hand, 
up and down the Longwood ravines daily for another three or 
four years, Wilkes' turn-out had been replaced in 1819 by the 
lighter vehicle bought from Reade. Still, conveyances were scarce 
at St. Helena, and the gun-carriage, I suppose, had not yet come 
into fashion. Lowe had brought his own equipage in the 
Phaeton. It had cost him ;^300 with the pair of horses, one of 
which had died on board (L.P., 20,140, f. 2). 

The justification of the official parsimony is that the ;^8,ooo 
a year (raised to j£x2,ooo) came out of the British taxpayer's 
pocket, and that the Captive had ample means. No doubt; 
but Napoleon was willing, not to say anxious, as he asseverated 
on various occasions, to provide for his ovm keep if he could only 
be allowed to send a sealed letter to his relatives or his bankers. 
When Bathurst refused that very natural request, there was 
no more to be said^ and he assumed the responsibility for the 


Emperor was very soon in enjoyment of all that coulc} be 
procured in that miserable comitry. The delicate feeling 
he showed in the way he gave his orders and in the 
measures he was forced to take often led one to forget 
the true nature of his duties ; and the Emperor has done 
him ample justice on this count. On the day of the 
Admiral's departure, Napoleon said to Bertrand, who 
had just taken leave of him: 'Cockbum is hard by 
nature, and further hardened by his nUtier, but he is 
just and honest and a man of parts : he ought never to 
have accepted the post of gaoler.' The officers of the 
Emperor's suite could not deny the Admiral their regard, 
and I have no doubt he would in time have succeeded 
in wholly overcoming the prejudice which his functions 
had naturally enough awakened against him. What a 
difference indeed were we fated to find in Sir Hudson 
Lowe, who reached St. Helena six months after the 
Emperor, when the Captive and his followers were almost 
habituated to their physical surroundings, to the hapless- 
ness of their lot, and to the irksomejestricticms which 
Sir Geoige Cockbum had been forced to impose in pur- 
suance of his orders I 

[The foregoing pages are prefatory, and the writer 
refers to St. Helena more in an argumentative than a 
narrative way. The reminiscences proper start at La 

Malmaison as follows.] 

■ I ■ I ' I I » ■ ' ■ I I ' II I' I ■ - II Ill 

outlay ; more shame to him that he should have given his country- 
men cause to blush for their meanness. One could hardly expect 
the Man who had righted the finances of France in a masterly 
manner and, for all his princely largesses to Eugene, Berthier, 
and others, made very little provision his own self, to reveal 
the whereabouts of his fortune for his enemies to confiscate I 
There was only too much of this sort of spirit : ' It is very desirable 
to discover both the Treasure and the Agents' (Bunbwy to 
Lowe, March 6, 1816, L.P., 20,115, f. 27). Likewise does a back- 
woodsman seek for another's cache, and with the same end in 


The Emperor was busily engaged at La Malmaison/ 
where he had with him his Brother Joseph, Queen 
Hortense, the Due de Rovigo, General Ct. Beker and 
several other officers of his household. Madame Mtee 
and Cardinal Fesch were constantly calling upon him. 
The waiting-room was always full of general and superior 
officers, who came either to press their personal service 
upon the Emperor or to present addresses from Army 
corps, from Federates, and from various other bodies. 
Napoleon rarely appeared in the hall, but often walked 
in the garden, where he occasionally received deputations 
introduced by the Due de Rovigo. As at Paris, he had 
qbout him his Aides-de-Camp, Orderly Officers, Equerries 
and Chamberlain. There were on duty at the Palace a 
detachment of heavy dragoons of the guard and one of 
grenadiers of the gtiard : they were quartered at Reuil 
and, as usual, were relieved every twenty-four hours. 
Conmiunications with Paris were carried on day and njght 
by the privy messengers and the dragoon orderlies. The 
gardens in the rear of the Palace were defended by troops 
of the line or by the Young Guard. From the fact that 
a musket-shot was fired during the night preceding the 
Emperor's departure by a sentry who seemingly did not 
know his duties and wished to make believe that he had 
seen Prussians about, I gather there were no grenadiers 
of the guard outside ; but I may be mistaken. It was 
owing to the proximity of the Prussians that the Bridge^ 

^ Napoleon reached La MaJmaison in the afternoon of the 
25th. The four days he spent there could only be termed ' busy * 
from the coming and going of official and personal visitors. 
Napoleon himself, writers agree, spent much of the time in idle 
reverie, though, as Dr. Holland Rose puts it, ' at times he was full 
of fight,' and sent a Proclamation to the Monii&ur which Fouch^ 
suppressed. As an outside spectator, Piontkowski formed a 
misleading judgment. Three important visits he omits : Laffitte» 
Corvjsart, and Madame Walewska. 

* Chatou. Bliicher had sent a flying column to destroy it« 


near La ICalmaison was burnt down on the afternoon of 
June 28. At two in the morning, on the 29th, came the 
Due Decrds, Minister of Marine, and Count Lavalette,^ 

^ Piontkowski'8 howt is Lavalette's own, but he is prestunably 
one day oat. I say ' presumaUy/ for the matter is in donbt. 
In his great work, 1%15, M. Honssaye gives ns an important 
footnote (iii., 223-4), ^ which he zeconstmctB the time-table of 
that fateful 29th of June. He rejects Beker's statement, follows 
for choice a ' harried note ' of Planat dashed off to a friend that 
same day, and thus gives the visits to Napoleon : 3 to 4 a.m., 
Decite and Boalay de la Meorthe ; 8.30 to 9.30 a.m., Lavalette 
and Bassano ; 10 aon., Beker. Planat himself gives no time for 
the first two, makes Bassano and Lavalette reach the Palace 
' towards 9,' and places Beker's interview immediately after 
(p. 219). Now what does Lavalette himself say ? ' I returned 
to La Malmaison at 2 ajn. The Emperor was in bed. He 
called me in and I gave him an account of my mission and renewed 
my entreaties. He listened to me, bat vouchsafed no answer. 
Nevertheless he rose and spent part of the night in walking to 
and fro. The morrow was the last day of that sorrowful drama. 
The Emperor had gone to bed again (s'^faif fecowM) and had 
slept a few hours. I entered his room towards noon : " Had 
I known you were at hand, J should have summoned you," said 
he to me ' (p. 200). The writer gives no dates. The ' last day,' 
of course, was the 29th. If Lavalette uses the word ' morrow ' 
(Ze lendemain) strictly, then his 2 a.m. visit took place on the 
28th. If so, why state that Napoleon had ' gone to bed again ' 
before his next interview at noon on the 29th ? He naturally 
would in the course of some thirty hours or more, spent, not on 
the battle-field, but in dreamy indolence under Hortense's 
roof — ' a part of the night ' one takes as three hours or so. On 
the other hand, if the writer uses ' morrow ' loosely and starts 
the day with the definitive rising of the Emperor and looks upon 
the early morning interruption as part of the night (and day) 
before, then his 2 a.m. visit was paid on the 29th as above. In 
any case, the last interview was at noon on the 29th, and not, 
as M. Houssaye says, at 8.30. His authority (Planat) may be 
right nevertheless, for, as the Emperor's words almost imply, 
Lavalette may have beoi cooling his heels outside for three hours 
before being admitted. This would put Beker's interview at 
one and his departure at two or so. It is significant that 
M. Houssaye, whilst quoting a previous page of Lavalette, ignores 
the above passage. Perhaps he, too, has found it rather puzzling, 
hence his silence on the point. Where the great historian is 
mute, it is not for the mere historical writer to pronounce. I 
simply note Piontkowski's hour and pass on. 


and were closeted for a long time with the Emperor, 
returning to Paris immediately after. Towards noon we 
received from the Pr^ecture of Police our passports for 
Rochefort, delivered at the request of Ct. Bertrand : there 
were some, too, signed in blank by the Due d'Otrante. 
The Grand Marshal had bespoken all the post-horses at 
Nanterre, and at 5 p.m. the Emperor took his departure. 
His suite followed by different routes to avoid attracting 
more notice than necessary ; and the general rendezvous 
was at Niort. The Imperial arms on the coaches had 
been effaced, but the eagles were still discernible, and at 
the various relays we can^ to the natives would amuse 
themselves by tracing them out with the forefinger 
through the dust that had settled upon them. The 
National Guards were on duty everywhere and our 
passports were repeatedly examined. I posted with 
Countess Bertrand and her children, who travelled under 
her maiden name of Dillon, and, with three carriages, 
couriers and domestics in the Imperial livery, we could 
not help attracting attention. The children grew so 
weary that Madame Bertrand decided to break the journey 
at Poitiers, where our arrival soon brought a crowd 
together. I happened to tell one of the servants to take 
little Napolton, the elder son of Ct. Bertrand, who had 
gone to sleep. No sooner had the name of Napoleon fallen 
upon the ears of the bj^tanders than the rumour spread 
that Napoleon II. was in their midst, that Madame Ber- 
trand was really Madame de Montesquiou, and her two 
other children his travelling companions. We endeavoured 
to undeceive them, but in vain I From all sides came the 
cries that nowhere could Napoleon II. be safer than in 
the bosom of his faithful people, who would protect him 
against the Bourbons and the foreign invader alike, and 
that each and all were prepared to give their lives for 


the sovereign of their choice. The crowd, in fact» 
declared they would never let us go and would pay no 
heed to Madame Bertrand's assurances and entreaties, 
and I believe we should never have got away but for the 
approach of darkness and the presence of the gendarmerie 
in the courtyard. Madame Bertrand would not retire to 
rest until I had taken up my position on a chair outside 
her door, with Gilis/ one of the Imperial valets, seated 
on the stairs at hand. Eventually we left Poitiers before 
sunrise, so as to avoid another aUroupement, and reached 
Niort towards noon on July i. 

The Emperor had taken up his residence at the Pre- 
fecture and his suite theirs in adjoining houses. Prince 
Joseph was the only member of the family at his side. 
The greatest enthusiasm was rife, and the authorities, 
including the General in command, whose name, I think, 
was Devaux, took their orders from the Emperor as if 
he had never abdicated at all. His Majesty's departure 
for Rochefort was fixed for ii p.m. on July 2. The high- 
way from Niort* being but little frequented, the necessary 
post-horses had to be requisitioned betimes, so that the 
whole country-side became aware very soon that something 
quite unusual was toward, and the presence of bodies 
of hussars and chasseurs still further added to the general 
curiosity. We left Niort in the Emperor's carriage and 
with the escort, by the ordinary road, while his Majesty, 
with the Due de Rovigo, Ct. Bertrand and Ct. Beker, 

^ P61issier's ' GiUis ' or ' Jillis,' who was valet at Elba. He 
was one of those sent back from Plymouth. 

' This was the ordinary post route from Paris to Rochefort 
and the most direct. From the Etat CrhUral des RotUes de Paste 
de VEmpite Frangais it appears that the route was divided int6 
6i| ' postes ' or sections. To the traveller the cost of posting 
was I fr. 50 c. per horse per ' poste ' for the postmaster, plus 
half that amount for the postillion. The rela3rs varied with, the 
season of the year and the state of the roads. 


went more quietly and secretly by another route, owing 
to the proximity of the Vend^ens. This precaution 
turned out to be needless, for we met with nothing but 
the utmost enthusiasm all the way to Rochefort, the 
villages and even the detached houses along the road 
being illuminated in our honour. The Emperor reached 
Rochefort between 3 and 4 a.m. on the 3rd, when the 
report of a cannon fired on the escape of some galley 
prisoners gave rise to the nmiour that his life had been 
attempted. The whole suite arrived at Rochefort the 
same day without having experienced the slightest un- 
pleasantness, a blow or two with a riding-whip admitiis- 
tered by M. de Ste. Catherine to an insolent police com- 
missary at Saintes being hardly worth recording. 

Of the officers who had remained behind, Gen. Drouot, 
Col. Lab6doy^ and Baron Jerzmanowski, Colonel of 
Lancers (who presented a petition from the Polish troops 
in France to accompany the Emperor) were to follow 
Napoleon as soon as his son was established on the throne. 

The barriers of Paris had been closed, and the bridge 
between it and La Malmaison barricaded. Ct. Bertrand 
had forbidden the postmaster and the postillions to 
inform anyone of the route the Emperor had taken : so 
implicitly were his orders obeyed that an officer of the 
suite. Captain Mercher, wh;i had tarried in Paris, offered 
fifty francs in vain for the desired information to the 
postillions he fell in with on their return to Nanterre. 
He arrived at Rochefort a couple of daj^ late. 

From Niort Gen. Beker had sent word to Baron Bonne- 
f oux, Maritime Prefect of Rochefort, to prepare his official 
residence and place it at the Emperor's disposal. On his 
arrival Napoleon took up the appointed quarters, and 
with him or about him were his Brother Joseph, Ct. and 


Ctess. Bertrand, Rovigo, Lallemand, Ct. and Ctess. Mon- 
tholon, Gouiigaud, Planat, Rfeigny, Schultz, Autric, 
Mercher, Rivi^e, Las Cases, father and son, Piont- 
kowski, Ste. Catherine (the page who was related to the 
Empress Josephine), and Colonel Baillon, adjutant of the 
Palace, who was to return to Paris with Ct. Beker. The 
Emperor retained almost every day to dinner the two 
ladies, his Brother, Bertrand, and Beker, and occa- 
sionally Lallemand. We others had our own mess, to 
which were asked the officers of the cavalry escort, the 
Maritime Prefect, and a few naval officers. The billiard- 
room served as ante-chamber, and Bertrand, Rovigo, and 
one or two others were generally to be foimd there. 
Napoleon often showed himself in the garden, to the 
acclamations of the crowd that pressed against the 
railings. The whole town was enthusiastic, and many of 
the natives told us that the Prefect was a traitor, and 
was constantly sending peasants oi! to La RocheUe to 
apprize the English of the march of events. The Em- 
peror was quite cognizant of Bonnefoux' dupUcity, and 
had him secretly shadowed the whole time. Ct. Ber- 
trand told me that we need fear nothing from him at 
Rochef ort : public opinion was wholly for us, and he should 
be placed under lock and key during the embarkation 
of the Emperor, if the least ill-will was noticed on his 
part. It was he who caused the delay we experienced 
at Rochefort, and possibly, too. Captain Philidor {sic) 
of the Saale '} for the frigates Miduse and Saale and the 

i Commandant Philibert was in charge of the Station and the 
smaU squadron watching the English cruisers, and took his orders 
from both Bonnefoux and Beker. The state of unpreparedness 
of the Saale and the chasse-marSes under him may have had even 
greater influence upon Napoleon's fate than here suggested. 
Philibert presently assumed the command of the Amphytrite, 
the frigate in whidi the notorious revolutionary General Danican 
had served as a voUmtaite under d'Estaing. Stuart advises 


brig Epervid^, according to Decrfis' express orders, were 
to be held in absolute readiness upon the Emperor's 
arrival. The baggage and belongings having been 
shipped at Rochefort, we left at 3 p.m. on the 8th 
for [Fouras], a village four leagues off, where the Emperor 
embarked with the afternoon tide, and proceeded on 
board the Saale, at anchor in the Roads. The whole 
route from Rochefort [to Fouras] was lined with people, 
whose faces betokened nothing but grief and sadness : 
the same attachment and feeling I had witnessed during 
our march from Cannes to Paris. The denunciations of 
the natives of Rochefort were weD grounded : the Prefect 
was a traitor who informed the English by means of 
fisherfolk and peasants of the embarkation of the Em- 
peror, and did his best to retard the victualling of the 
ships. Yet the Bourbons, instead of giving him the cross 
of St. Louis he anticipated, dismissed him for not having 
done even more than was possible.^ The BeUerophon 
was already in sight, and the Emperor held several 
councils in consequence. The Captain of the MSduse 

Castlereagh from Paris, on May 27, 1816, as a ' remarkable — 
and suspicious — coincidence/ that it is this same Philibert, 
' to whose crew Napoleon had given money ' in July, 1815, who 
is taking out in the Amphyiriie Count Dubois as Governor of the 
Isle of Bourbon (CO., 247. 7). As the frigate was to pass within 
a thousand miles of St. Hdena, that was quite enough for the 
Cabinet 1 Lowe is duly notified (L.P., 20,115, f. 174) and 
Malcolm is instructed to keep an especially sharp look-out for 
the French man-^f-war (L.P., 20,116, f. 76). In the early part 
of 1 81 7 PhiUbert was cruising off Malabar, where he fell in with 
an E.I.C. Captain and informed him of the quite conirauvi report 
that Gourgaud was no longer at St. Helena {Journal, i. 544). 

^ The writer is not just to Bonnefoux. The Prefect sympa- 
thized deeply with the fallen Emperor, but saw no other course 
open to him than to carry out the peremptory instructions 
sent him by Fottch6. No man could have felt more poignantly 
than he did the order he received on the last day to arrest 
Napoleon if still on land. The voluntary surrender a few hours 
after released him from his terrible dilemma. 


— f ve forgotten that brave man's name^— expressed the 
opinion that, if it was impossible to get by mider the cover 
of darkness, the best thing to do was for the two frigates 
to dash out and engage the Bellerophan, the brig thus 
gaining time to slip past with Napoleon on board. The 
Captain of the Saale, the senior officer, found objections 
to that course, however, and as any enterprise carried 
out without his consent would have been fraught with 
peril, the proposal was dropped. The wind continued 
in an adverse quarter, and we were forced to land at the 
Island of Aix, where the Emperor repaired to the 
Governor's residence. He lived in great retirement, dined 
alone very often, and worked very hard. Gen. Lallemand 
was sent to Bordeaux, where he found the officers, the 
troops, and the major part of the inhabitants most favour- 
ably disposed towards Napoleon. I cannot understand 
why the Emperor did not choose that port for his em- 
barkation. Numberless deputations came to the Island 
and entreated him to remain in France. His reply was 
invariably that he did not wish another drop of French 
blood to be shed for him. The war, if it was being waged 
against him personaUy, would be over the moment he 
set foot volimtarily on an English vessel : if, on the con- 
trary, as he felt sure would be the case, it continued after 
all pretext therefor had been removed, then the eyes 
of the whole world would be unseeled and it would 
become manifest that neither he, nor his Family, nor 
even France herself, was the real object of hostilities, but 
that the struggle was one of crowned heads against the 
constitutional liberties of the nations.^ Even at that 

* Police. 

' C/.' The Emperor wished to play a political part no longer 

He did not wish to be the instrument of, or preteact for, a Civil 
War devoid of all result ' (Las Cases' intercepted letter to Lacten, 
August I, 1816, L.P»» 20,115, f. 368). 


time Napoleon looked upon Waterloo as the tomb of the 
British G)nstitution, and thereby the ruin of the English 

^ The following is an alternative narrative in Piontkowski'a 
own band of the foregoing events, as qnoted by his Biographer. 
Though there are a few trivial variations in matters of details, 
the two accounts, written, it would seem, at a distance of time 
of some five years or more, are in entire accord and help not 
a little to establish Piontkowski's personal veracity, in contrast 
with his Biographer's peculiar twist : ' The Emperor left La 
Malmaison on Jime 29th. His suite had orders to proceed to 
Niort, the general rendezvous, by difFerent routes, as much to 
be able to procure post-horses as to avoid arousing undue notice. 
I accompanied Madame Bertrand and her children with three 
carriages. Her eldest child was christened Napoleon ; and on 
a servant calling him by name at Poitiers, the report spread that 
Napoleon II. with Mdme. de Montesquion was amongst us. 
The inhabitants were seized with wild enthusiasm, and clamoured 
to take their Emperor under their protection : all remonstrances 
were useless. Officers and old soldiers set their fEtces against our 
departure. During the night I managed to quieten them a little, 
but could not prevent a few from remaining in the court3rard 
and even the inn itself. Mdme. Bertrand was more dead than 
ahve. I had to remain the livelong night posted at her door, 
and told M. Gilis, the Emperor's valet, to guard the staircase. 
We got off, however, before daybreak and reached Niort, where 
the Emperor with Prince Joseph and his suite had arrived 24 
hours before us. The escort of hussars and mounted chasseurs 
as well as the post-horses were ordered. We left at midnight 
in the carriage which had brought the Emperor to Niort, and 
with two other conve3rances. During the night' we passed through 
illuminated villages, amidst the joyful clamour of the population ; 
and as far as Rochefort everybody, the escort included, thought 
the Emperor was in the carriage, whereas he had driven off to 
that seaport in quite another with Count Bertrand, the Due de 
Rovigo and General Count Beker. The Emperor remained at 
Rochefort from the 3rd till the 8th of July, and resided at the 
Prefecture. A traveller, fresh from Paris, gave me a news-sheet 
containing Fouch^'s Letter to Wellington. I handed it over to 
the Grand Marshal, who showed it to the Emperor, and on his 
return said very sadly to Rovigo and Lallemand : " It's evident ; 
if 8 the Bourbons once again. It's a stroke of genius on Fouch^'s 
part, and his alone 1" 

*• The frigates in the roads were not yet victualled, and the 
wind in addition was against their departure. The inhabitants of 


During our sojourn at the Isle of Aix several plans 
were mooted before the Emperor finally decided to send 
Gouigaud and Las Cases on board the Bdlerophon. One» 
and I think the best, was that the Emperor, accompanied 

Rochefort, amongst whom the greatest enthusiasm was life, 
and who were all devoted to the Emperor, cried aloud that the 
Maritime Prefect was a traitor ; that he carried the cross of 
St. Louis in his pocket, and that he was in communication with 
the English squadron by means of the fishermen of La Rochelle. 
They were not mistaken. The Prefect had informed the English 
of the arrival of the Emperor at Rochefort. I imparted my 
suspicions to Count Bertrand, who replied that there was nothing 
to fear, as the Prefect was being shadowed, and that, if the 
necessity arose, he would be boxed up ^ (that was his expression) 
till after the Emperor's departure. 

' The Emperor left on the 8th of July for the point of embarka- 
tion, distant some 3 or 4 leagues from Rochefort. The whole 
route to the sea was lined with people who showed Napoleon the 
same enthusiasm as I had witnessed on the march from Golfe 
Juan to Paris. 

' The Emperor went on board the SaaU frigate, with the 
Grand-Marshal and his family, the Due de Rovigo, General 
Lallemand, General Gourgaud, Count Las Cases, and Maingaud 
the surgeon. General Montholon and his family, several other 
officers and I, all went on board the Miduse Mgate. The 
BeU&rophon, notified of the Emperor's departure by the Prefect 
of Rochefort, came and took up her position in front of the road- 
stead. The Emperor held a council on the Saale, at which it 
was decided to land at the Island of Aix. The [naval] officers 
told us that there was a passage in the roads sufficiently wide 
to allow the Emperor's escape unperceived in the brig.' They 
showed me that exit on the map. It would have sufficed in fact 
for the two frigates to attack the Belhrophon together to prevent 
her giving chase to the brig, in case the latter was noticed, or at 
least to damage the Englishman and so render her pursuit unavail- 
ing. One could also have slipped past under cover of darkness 
and given battle, if need were, with the two frigates, or ebe with 
one frigate and the brig, whilst the Emperor got away in the other. 

' Unfortunately instead of staking all to preserve his liberty, 
the Emperor decided to surrender to the English, trusting as he 
did to the honour of the Regent and counting, too, upon the 
generosity of the English Government, whom he had very mis- 
taken notions of. He soon learned how he had deluded himself. 

* Qu'on V$ncoffrefait, * Epervier. 


only by Bertrand, Rovigo, Lallemand, and a single 
domestic, his first chasseur, Alix St. Denis, should leave 
quietly either in a vessel lying dose to the Isle of 016ron 
or in a chasse-marie, manned only by naval officers and 
midshipmen, who were eagerly soliciting that honour. 

Gourgaud and Las Cases were sent on the 14th on 
board the BeUerophcm, the Emperor having indited a letter 
to the Prince R^ent. Gourgaud still possesses the holo- 
graph draft in which Napoleon has only made one change, 
the word foyers (hearths) being substituted for cendres 
(ashes) which is crossed out.^ The Declarations of 
Gouigaud and Las Cases, under the date of April x8, x8x6. 

Instead of being received with hospitality and being enabled, 
as he flattered himself, to Hve quietly in England, he was not 
even allowed to set foot on English soil, but was treated as a 
prisoner of war ; and the world's hero was deported to the arid 
rock of St. Helena, there to bring his glorious life to an end. 

' The conduct of the English Government towards Napoleon 
will be judged by posterity. This bjiot, which time cannot efface, 
has sullied England herself. The Great Man was subjected to 
all the indignities which hatred can devise. They even denied 
him the title of Emperor, acknowledged by the whole of Europe : 
The English Nation itself reproved this unworthy act of revenge. 
Napoleon was denied the power of subscribing to English peri- 
odicals, and letters addressed to him or to members of his suite 
were sent back to Europe if by chance they had reached St. 
Helena through other channels than those appointed by the 
authorities. . . .' 

The letter ends with a little vitriolic vituperation of Lowe. 

^ The famous letter is so well known that I need not quote 
it again. Fleury de Chaboulon gives us (ii. 324) a fao-simiU of 
it, with Gourgaud's attestation in manuscript. The above emenda- 
tion appears, and though Fleury adds ' le mot ray6 et soulign6 
est illisible,' the word cendres is quite legible through the scoring. 
In printing that historic document, the Royalist newspapers 
of July, 1815, falsified it by the substitution, witib their usual petty 
spite, of the sigxMtture ' Buonaparte ' for ' Napol6on.' To be 
strictly consistent, they should have granted the signatory not 
only the ' u ' (dropped in Z796), but the particule ' de ' as well. 
For to all that ridiculous rabble of wraiths returning from 
Emigration Napoleon had never reigned and was still merely, 
like one in a playbill, ' a noble from Corsica '1 


which we gave copies of to Warden and I shall have 
occasion to refer to when dealing with Sir H. Lowe's 
arrival at St. Helena, contain the particulars of this nego- 
tiation. Gouigaud sailed on the X4th in the cutter Slaney 
for England with the Letter^ which he was commanded 
to deliver in person to His Royal Highness : he was, 
however, not permitted to land, and remained on board 
at Torbay, where he preceded us by twenty-four hours. 
Admiral Hotham, who was on the Superb, came to pay 
his respects to the Emperor, and remained quite a long 
time conversing with Madame Bertrand. He was a very 
pleasant man, and impressed Napoleon very favourably 
with the type of the English naval officer. Captain Mait- 
land yielded not a jot to him in the matter of delicate 
feeling ; so that the behaviour of these two commanders 
led us at fiist to look upon Napoleon's choice as a very 
happy one, more especially as the reception given the 
Emperor conformed perfectly to the estimate which he 
and his chief officers entertained of the frank and generous 
character of the English. Napoleon seemed quite con- 
tent, and he took an interest in the smallest details con- 
nected with the ship, and even inquired of the midship- 
men the use of several implements which were unknown 
to him. He watched long and carefully the sailors' 
drills ; in a word, he acted as if on his own ship : and, to 
the honour of the English, I am bound to say that their 
respectful behavioin: to him warranted him in foigetting 
that he was on board a vessel hitherto hostile.^ He 

^ All ' hostility ' vanished the moment the Emperor set foot 
on the English ship, and one and all fell under the charm of his 
manner. A note of vender runs through the countless deposi- 
tions to that effect. ' Such is the talent of this Child and Cham- 
pion of Jacobinism that before they arrived in Torbay he was 
considered by all on board as a devilish good fellow ' (Morning 
Chronicle, July 27, 1815). 

' Is that he — ^ia that the man that has so wasted and destroyed 


invited himself to luncheon with Admiral Hotham, who 
as a well-bred man knew how to take such honourable 
trust, and who received the Emperor with the greatest 

I may state here retrospectively that Prince Joseph 
remained incognito in the neighbourhood of Rochefort, 
and that General Beker and Colonel Baillon, who was to 
see to the safe return of the sixty Imperial horses, got 
back to Rochefort with the half of the Emperor's servants, 
whom their master had discharged at the Island of Aix. 

Napoleon remained on the BeUerophon with the ladies 
and the general officers. Planat, Schiiltz, Rfejgny, 
Autric, Mercher, Rivi&re, Ste. Catherine and Piontkowski, 
with the half of the domestics that had been retained, 
proce^ed on board the Myrmidon, commanded by Capt. 
Gambier, a young man of good birth and breeding, who 
was most obliging and amiable, like all the officers of that 
corvet. Maingaud the suigeon had remained on the 
BeUerophon, This wretch abandoned the Emperor at 
the very moment of his departure for St. Helena, he who 
had had the good fortune of being selected to accompany 
him ; an honour which hundreds of physicians and sur- 
geons had aspired to. The loss meant nothing to Napoleon, 
who puts no faith in medicine and never has recourse to 
drugs : but it was a deprivation for the ladies ; and 
Maingaud was vowed to universal contempt.^ Mr. 

the human sx)ecies ?' is, I am told, the general burst of high and 
low {ibid., August 3, 1815). 

^ Unduly severe. A3 a matter of fact, Maingaud, as O'Meara 
and Maitland depose, refused to go any ^rther to dread of sea- 
sickness. He had been but a short time with the Emperor, 
having replaced Foureau de Beauregard after Elba. It is 
interesting to note that after O'Meara's removal Foureau begged 
hard to return to his old Master once more, filled* maybe, with 
a presentiment of the seriousn^ of affairs and the utter inade- 


O'Meara, surgeon-major of the BeUerophan, who is fluent 
in Italian and learnt French very speedily,^ has taken 
his place. He is a very honest man, whom the Emperor 
and all his retinue hold in esteem. Napoleon used to 
say that the only medicine for him when unwell was a great 
hunting expedition in the Forest of Fontainebleau. He 
would tire out eight horses in one day ! In the field 
or on the march he was never ill.^ His spirit and flesh 

I ^^.i±.^.^^m—^ - - ' a-i -Li--L*M-^i^" ^1 ■^■■ijiiw^i ■• I 11 im ■ ■■■111^ Ml m^LMMm^mK-mi^-m 

quacy of Antommarchi. As, however, he required provision 
not only for himself but for his wife and ' retinue ' as well on the 
Rock, the English Government did not accede to his request 
(L.P., 20,128, f. 277). None the less. Napoleon may have nursed 
a false hope in the matter, for newspapers reached St. Helena 
on more than one occasion with the ' official ' announcement 
that Foureau had been selected (L.P.« 20,126, f. 395). 

^ After a fashion. He was never very proficient, and later on 
Lowe questioned whether he could follow a conversation in that 
language (L.P., 20,118, /. 366). 

' Like many others, Piontkowski credited Napoleon with an 
unexceptionable physique and an unfailing health, and Corvisart's 
diplomatic bulletins encouraged that view. We know it was 
not so. In youth Napoleon was thin, pale, and weak-chested. 
As a young officer he contracted a cutaneous disease he retained 
five years, which made him unnaturally sallow and pulled 
him down very much. During the Consulate and the Early 
Empire he was at his best, and constant horse exercise kept him 
very fit. After Tilsit he put on fat, the circulation grew sluggish, 
and there was an apoplectic tendency. In Russia, as S^gur 
deposes, he was very ill ; and presently he developed the cystic 
and urethral trouble which lasted till the end. [See Rutledge's 
post-mortem report — ^L.P., 20,133, f. 150. One might speculate 
upon the effect at the crucial moment of a battle, a Council 
of Ministers, or even a Congress of Kings of a ten minutes' absence 
in pain on the part of the protagonist.] At St. Helena, of course, 
the Captive was never well, and the various affections mentioned 
by O'Meara were but the prodromes of the Last Illness. On that 
Last Illness I may be pardoned a long note : — 

M. Masson tells us that the Great Emperor died without a 
doctor about him ; and who shall deny that his contemptuous 
ignorance of Antommarchi and Amott is deserved ? Amott's 
capacity and discretion may be judged from the fact that on 
April 6, after a week's visits, he ' appears to think ' (as Reade 
puts it to Lowe) tiiat the Patient is ' not affected with any 


alike are quite extraordinary, and rise superior to cir- 
cumstances : want of exercise alone can afiect him 
adversely, and such is the case at St. Helena. 

We cast anchor in Torbay on July — , and were 
joined once more by Gouigaud. Captain Maitland 

serious complaint ; probably more mental than any other ' ; 
he sees ' no danger whatever/ and he proceeds to give the D.A.G. 
intimate details of the sick-room, which for the nonce Forsyth 
very properly suppresses (L.P., 20,133, f. 20). This, mark you, 
after Napoleon had been wasting for some six months, vomiting 
daily since November 30, when the postillion Tapp had stopped 
the phaeton thrice for the purpose (L.P., 20,131, f. 256), and been 
for over a month too weak to get unassisted into a very low bed. 
[On March i the brass bedstead had been cut down to a height 
of II inches, as the Patient ' was so weak that he found it too 
high * (L.P., 20,132, f. 194). For the doctor's convenience, and for 
one other reason, this height was before the end increased by the 
use of four mattresses (L.P., 20,133, ^- 108)]. In fairness to 
Amott, whatever may be thought of his powers of diagnosis, 
and still more of prognosis, he at least did not espouse the pet 
' liver theory ' of Antonunarchi, Stokoe, and O'Meara. As 
M. Gonnard in his authoritative work asserts that he did, and 
that he ' agreed with all of them ' (p. 107), let us go a little into 
the matter, and refer to Amott's notes and conversations, collated 
with his Account as given to the public in 1822. Even before 
seeing the Emperor, Amott had refused to endorse the propriety 
of Antommarchi's daily emetics (L.P., 20,132, f. 320) ; just as 
Dr. Shortt, on December 27, had expressed his astonishment at 
the latter's use of blisters and issues in a ' bowel complaint,' as 
tending, not to cure, but to produce ulcers, which would weaken 
the constitution (L.P., 20,131, f. 356). Arnott's first visit was 
paid on April i. From the 2nd he paid two visits a day at 
9 or 10 a.m. and 5 or 6 p.m. He treated his Patient throughout 
not for a hepatic, but a gastric, disorder, combined with prostra- 
tion and hypochondriasis. On April 5 he writes privately to 
Gorrequer that he did not find the Emperor ' labouring under 
any of the S3miptoms ' described by Antommarchi (L.P., 20,133, 
f. 18). On April 6 he finds ' No fever upon him, notwithstanding 
Dr. Antommarchi had said he had passed a very bad night with 
much fever ' {L.P., 20,157, f. 3). All through, until the end of 
April, one sees that at his morning visit Amott doubts the truth 
of his colleague's account of the night. On April 10 Amott 
sounds the liver, and can ' discover no morbid affection there ' 



received orders to fly the yellow flag. From thence we 
sailed for Plymouth, which we reached on August x. 
The Morning Chronicle gives a fairly accurate account of 
our journey, barring the fiction about the poisoning of 
the Emperor. £f^ is at all times stronger and greater 

{ibid,, f. 24) ; he can ' perceive no induration nor swelling what- 
soever ' [ibid., f. 6) [' no disease of the liver/ Account, p. 8] ; 
and he disabuses Bertrand of the notion that it was the seat of 
the disease. That day he tries to persuade Antommarchi to 
attend the sick-bed with him (ibid., f. 4). The Italian refuses, 
as he had done the day before, when he had gone to Lowe and 
asked his permission to return to Europe to ' enjoy his native 
air ' and publish a book I (L.P., 20,133, f. 29). When he stated 
at that interview that he and Amott ' concurred fully on every 
point,' and that there was no jealousy or pique on his part, he 
was putting an undue strain upon tiie Governor's credulity 1 
On April 11 Arnott ' repeatedly declares that he could discover 
no organic afiection, and considered a great part of the disease 
to lie in the mind ' (L.P., 20,157, ^' 7)- ^^ April 17 he ' becomes 
more and more confirmed in the opinion that the disease is 
hypochondriasis,' and he — actually f — adds : ' Anything occurring 
to break the present association of his ideas would doubtless 
have a good effect. If, for example, a " seventy-four " was to 
arrive from England to take him away, I have no doubt he would 
soon recover. This would put him on his legs directly * (ibid., f . 9) . 
That very day Antommarchi was stating that Napoleon ' would 
be carried off suddenly ' (ibid., f. 10). On his colleague's seventy- 
four, I suppose ? The Cassandra was Montholon, who, on the 
17th gave his Master some three weeks to live. On the i8th 
Arnott again examines the Uver : ' I do not discover in that viscus 
any unusual fullness, swelling or induration ' (ibid., f. 26). On 
the 20th Antommarchi states that during the night Napoleon 
was ' much troubled ['somewhat teazed,' Account, p. 14] with 
a great sensation of heat in his bowels, accompanied with thirst 
and a sense of choking ' (ibid., i. 27). Arnott's ' own account, 
however,' is this : ' Much the same state as he was last night ; 
can perceive no difference whatever ; decidedly not worse ' 
(ibid., f. II). On the 23rd Amott again becomes more and 
more confirmed in the opinion that it is h3rpochondriasis, having 
many dyspeptic symptoms — the cure probably tedious because 
he [Dr. A.] could not give him that which would set him right.' 
Lowe asks what that can be, and the surgeon dramatically replies : 
' Liberty V (ibid., f. 12). On the 26th Napoleon ' asked me what 
was to be done for him and what his disease was ?' I said that 


than Fate : but on this occasion his Followers were stricken 
with grief when it was made known to them that only 
three officers and twelve domestics were to be allowed 
to share their Sovereign's lot. 

We weighed anchor early on the 7th, and sailed to 

I conceived his disease to be in the digestive organs. He then 
asked me if I thought his liver was afiected. I replied that I 
had examined it very minutely at different times and could dis- 
cover no hardness or sweUing in the liver ; in consequence of 
which I did not think it was affected ; there might be some want 
of action in it ' {ibid., f. 28). The two surgeons for once agree 
to continue the medicine. On the 27th Amott is alarmed. 
The vomiting is more serious from 11 a.m. to 3.30 p.m. — ' black, 
like coffee-grounds ' {ibid,, f. 29). [This suggests ulceration 
but not cancer to him. Account, p. 30.] Then the Patient ob- 
stinately refuses all medicines and treatment {ibid,, f . 14), though 
he allows Amott, on the 29th, to apply a blister to the stomach 
{ibid,, f. 29). Meanwhile Antommarchi applies two to the inside 
of the thighs, ' without my knowledge/ as his colleague com- 
plains {ibid.), [Forsyth, following Reade, erroneously states 
that Napoleon ' pulled off the blister before it could produce 
any material effect ' (L.P., 20,133, ^* 93)- What Arnott says is 
that the Patient tore off the plaster (of cummin) which had been 
apphed, on the 27th, before the blister (L.P., 20,157, '• ^9)- ^^^ 
account at f. 16 reverses the order.] On May 2 Amott gives up 
hope : ' this hiccupping is almost continual now ' ; there is 
singultus and other grave symptoms {ibid., f. 17). On May 3 — 
the last day of the illness as such : the 4th was the raUy, the 5th 
the agony — ^Arnott has two differences with Antommarchi. 
The first is about enemata. ' Dr. Amott is much displeased at 
Dr. Antommarchi having opposed giving him a lavement, and 
he is in consequence going to speak very seriously to Ct. Bertrand 
and Ct. Montholon about it ' {ibid.). The Italian carries his point, 
on a hygienic, and not a therapeutic, ground be it said (L.P., 
20,133, f. 107). The second is settled the other way. Amott 
tries to prevail upon Antonunarchi to administer calomel. The 
latter objects. Drs. Shortt and Mitchell are called in and support 
Amott. Still the Italian holds out. The matter is referred to 
Montholon, who gives the three Englishmen reason. The treat- 
ment is carried out, and has the desired effect (L.P., 20,157, f. 18). 
On the 4th Arnott has a gleam of hope. On the 5th he watches 
the twelve hours' agony, and sees Napoleon expire at 5.49 p.m. 
{ibid,, f. 34). At the dissection, when the viscera are removed 
and held up to view, it is not Amott, but Shortt, who alone of 


meet the Northumberland. I and the others I have 
named were on the frigate Eurotas, Captain LiUicrap, 
to which we had repaired from the Myrmidon, via the 
frigate Liffey, The Emperor, great and generous as ever 
shared out amongst his officers and his servants the little 

the seven English surgeons present declares, with Antommarchi, 
that ' the liver is enlarged/ the others stating merely that it is 
' a large liver.' Reade, you remember, stepped forward and 
advised them to come to some agreement (L.P., 20,133, ^- i34)- 
Incidentally, the D.A.G., with his usual surly suspicion, had not 
liked the way Amott had deferred to Bertrand and Montholon 
during the last illness : ' He was by much too civil to Bonaparte's 
Followers, and he either did. or ought to have, known (sic) that 
whatever attention he paid to them was in a manner at yotur 
expense ' (Reade to Lowe, October 22, 1822, L.P., 20,133, ^' 3i9)- 
Could boorishness about a deathbed go farther ? Of Shortt's 
dissentient voice, suffice it to say that Lowe, writing to Bathurst 
on May 10, regrets his ' conduct ' — ^he had fain said ' misconduct ' 
— and believes that ' he feels a little ashamed of the opinion he 
has offered ' (ibid., f. 170). 

One striking result of the autopsy is Montholon's volte-face, 
genuine or otherwise. On March 5 he makes this assertion to 
his wife : ' Ce maudit St. H61^e (sic) Taura tu6 I (L.P., 20,132, 
f. 211), and on May 6 this one : ' Sa mort n'est et n'a pu 6tre en 
aucune mani^e le r6sultat de sa captivit6 ' (L.P., 20,133, f. 130). 
Whereof, I take it, the former contains the same percentage of 
truth as the latter of falsehood. Needless to say, Lowe exploits 
Montholon's ' remarkable observation ' for all it is worth as an 
all-round justification, and with more or less discretion serves 
it up in some form or other in every one of the obituary epistles 
he indites through May and June — to Farquhar and Darling at 
Mauritius ; Sturmer, Thornton, and Cunninghame at Rio ; Urmston 
at Canton ; Bathurst and Goulbum, Torrens and Taylor at home ; 
the Governors of Indian Presidencies ; Lord Hastings at Calcutta, 
etc. To the last he makes a natf observation : ' Lord Bathurst's 
letter [of sympathy with Napoleon] to me contained the following 
remark, " His Majesty cannot now hold out any expectation 
of a removal." Your Lordship will judge of the magical effect 
which the word now must have produced, had the disorder been 
curable ' (L.P., 20,133, ^- 267). 

A final word as to the rdle ascribed to the liver in retarding the 
death, by the adherence of its left lobe to the ulcered stomach 
at the point of perforation. Fors3rth makes the downright 
assertion that ' it is a very remarkable fact that it was owing to 


money which was left to him out of his vanished splendour. 
He kept only about 4,500 napoleons in gold, of which 
4,000 were given in deposit on board, and served to defray 
the cost of the books he had asked for on the Nor/AMmft^r- 
land and also the first expenses at St. Helena for food and 

that organ that life was preserved so long, etc,' The original 
manuscript ran : ' It is a very remarkable fact that the state of 
that organ . . .' (L.P., 20,133, f- ^5^)- As 'state' could only 
mean diseased state, and that would have played too much into 
the hands of the partisans of the ' liver theory,' the above turn 
was given to the phrase. The hver, whether * enlarged ' or 
merely ' larger than natural,' was obviously contaminated at 
the point of contact with the schirrous stomach, and Rutledge 
deposes as much (L.P., 20,133, f. 159). On the whole the organ 
was ' sound,' though the reservation above rather reminds one 
of the curate's egg I Then Forsyth proceeds to quote Dr. 
Shortt's note : ' Had the edges of the ulcer which penetrated 
the coats of the stomach near the pylorus not firmly adhered 
to the liver, death would have taken place much sooner, as part 
of the contents of the stomach would have escaped into the 
abdomen.' By ' abdomen ' Shortt means the peritoneal cavity. 
Amott says virtually the same thing, with, however, a prudent 
' perhaps ' (L.P., 20,157, ^- 34)- I'bere is a doubt, of course, as 
to this prolongation of life. No one will deny that in the final 
stage of the illness the adherent liver did serve as a ' stopper ' 
and retarded dissolution ; but for the part it played, peritonitis 
would have been set up, and in all likelihood speedily accounted 
for the Patient. Such adhesions which are bound to occur 
are, unnatural though they be, nature's intelligent way of cir- 
cumscribing infection. But, if you go back to the early stages 
of the disease, who knows but what nature, had it not been 
for the physiological handicap of this morbid and abnormal 
adherence (which was of old standing, and must have formed 
when the inflammatory process commenced in the walls of the 
stomach) might not well have put forth greater power than it 
did to reduce the rate of the inevitable progress of the schirrous 
afiection, and so retarded the onset of that final stage, which, 
though more swiftly fatal in itself, would thus have followed upon 
more protracted preliminaries — ^in other words, the Patient 
might, by the calendar, have from first to last lived longer. It 
is six of one and half-andozen of the other. What one objects to 
is Forsyth's italicized cocksureness, which springs from ignorance. 
The more men know the more they doubt, be it in physic, in 
star-gazing, in print-collecting, or aught else. In the Great 


other immediate necessaries.^ The sflver plate which we 
broke up at St. Helena and which weighed 87,300 £rs. 
in silver was utilized for the' same purpose, and this 
whilst the British Government expended some £20,000 
per annum. One can thus form an idea of Napoleon's 
present .position, now that he has not any more money 
or silver plate and is wholly dependent upon a Hudson 
Lowe, or a Reade, or a Balcombe and Company, whom 
no one can control, and who are, in fact, the only persons 
at St. Helena who are cognizant of what goes on at Long- 
wood. Verily my brain reels as I think of it all. Let us 
proceed to the farewell scene on board the Northumberland. 
The officers of the suite had begged the Emperor to 
comprise amongst the twelve domestics allowed him 
those of their number who could not follow him in their 

Emperor's own words on this very subject of medicine : ' Corvisart 
doutait sou vent et ne satisfaisait pas tou jours k mes questions. 
Korean ne doutait de rien et expliquait tout. Le premier 6tait 
un savant m6decin, le second un ignorant ' (Journal, i. 439). 

And to apply, in fine, that dubiety to his own dread malady, 
men were assured, when he died, that ' cancer was hereditary ' 
(Morning Chronicle, July 6. 12, 21. 1821, etc.) ; presently, it was 
the ' taint ' that was certainly transmitted ; later still, it became 
the ' liability ' to that taint ; and now, ninety years after, comes 
the Report of the Cancer Research Fund, drawn up with phraseo- 
logical salvos that would have made Lowe himself green with 
envy, which establishes, after long experiments with mice, that 
* it may be premature to conclude with certainty that the occur- 
rence of cancer in a recent ancestor enhances the liability of the 
ofEspring to develop cancer ' : the authors of which, on Napoleon's 
showing, are very great savants indeed. Moreover, when all 
analogies are allowed for, men are not mice, though Bums 
bracketed them together. 

^ The writer is purposely wide of the mark. Besides the 
millions entrusted to Laffitte and others. Napoleon had with him 
•some 350,000 francs in gold, which was not shared out, but 
secreted in the clothing of the domestics. Then there was Hor- 
tense's diamond necklace concealed in Las Cases' belt. Piont- 
kowski must have known all this, but, writing as he did in 181 7. 
he chose rather the pious fraud than any disclosure which might 
have led to further vexations for the Captive. 


true capacity ; but it was not in Admiral Lord Keith's 
power to acquiesce in such an arrangement. I am per- 
suaded that he would have willingly given his consent if 
he could have seen his way to so doing ; and it is through 
his kindly intercession that I very shortly afterwards 
obtained the permission to join the Emperor at St. 
Helena. Why can he not once again do me the same 
service to-day, if Napoleon, that is, must still drag out 
his miserable fate an appreciable space of time ? Only 
with my dying breath shall I lose the hope of seeing him 
released from his barren rock for the happiness of Europe ! 
The evils that since his banishment have fallen upon 
almost every country in Europe show only too plainly 
the need therefor. 

We were informed that we could go on board the 
Northutnherland once more, to take leave of Napoleon. 
The Emperor first summoned the superior ofl&cers, to 
whom he gave certificates signed by himself, and then 
the other oflftcers. There were in the outer cabin Lord 
Lowther, whom I have met here in London at the Alien 
Office with Mr. Beckett, Under-Secretary of State, and 
Mr. Lyttelton, who had volunteered to transmit ashore 
the letters of the officers and the ladies who were to 
accompany the Emperor. The greatest sadness reigned 
on all sides. Napoleon alone seemed unaffected. He 
called us into the saloon, conversed with every one of us 
in turn, asked us if we wished to return to France, and 
said to me personally, as I entreated him once again to 
take me with him : ' I have no duty. [? I am imder no 
obligation to you.] I requested them to let you come, 
and met with a refusal.' Ct. Bertrand likewise assured 
me that he had done everything in his power to get them 
to grant me leave to proceed to St. Helena, and that he 
was very sorry that the steps he had taken had not con- 


duced to a better result. He tendered to us subaltern 
officers' certificates dictated by the Emperor and signed 
by himself as Grand-Marshal : I append a copy of mine. 
Then Rovigo and Lallenuind were sent back on board 
the Bellerophon, and the rest of us on the Eurotas. The 
Northumberland set sail for St. Helena, and we all returned 
to Plymouth, where we were not allowed to hold any 
communication with the two Generals. A week later we 
heard that the officers of the suite would be removed to 
Malta. Maingaud, the surgeon, and fourteen domestics, 
as well as M. de Ste. Catherine, the page, who had obtained 
permission to rejoin his family at the Martinique, went 
on to Portsmouth by the Bdlerophon, and then to Havre. 
Rovigo and LaUemand were transferred to the Eurotas, 
which took them to Malta. It was only at the time that 
I was informed that Lord Keith's intercession on my 
behalf had been crowned with success, and that I was 
free to follow Napoleon to St. Helena. I was transferred 
to the St. George, flagship of Admiral Sir J. T. Duckworth, 
to await the departure of some vessel for the Island. I 
should lay myself open to the charge of ingratitude were 
I not to acknowledge here the generosity and kindly 
feeling with which I was treated on the flagship, as well 
as on the Cormorant, which took me to my destination, 
and I may add, too, at St. Helena during the term of 
Sir G. Cockbum's custodianship. The lady I was 
betrothed to in France visited me on the St. George a few 
days before sailing, and as I was unable to obtain leave for 
her to accompany me, we were married on the flagship. 
The pectdiarity of my position at the time is sufficient 
excuse for my taking that step without awaiting the 
Emperor's authorization.^ 

^ Though the statement strikes one as self-important, the 
reason for it is clear. The Emperor had requested that Piont- 


Admiral Duckworth and the English officers at Ply- 
mouth treated me with the greatest kindness, as well as 
the Captain of the Cormorant, in which I sailed for St. 

Upon his reaching the Island the Emperor had lodged 
at Briars at Mr. Balcombe's, where, for lack of room, 
his only companion was Las Cases ; there was only a 
small parlour at their disposal. The Generals and the 
ladies of the suite were housed at Jamestown. The 
removal to Longwood had been effected some days before 
my arrival. 

Admiral Cockbum sent Captain Ross of the Northum- 
berland on board the Cormorant as soon as we had cast 
anchor, towards five o'clock in the afternoon. He told 
me that the Emperor had been informed of my coming 
and that I should land as soon as he sent for me ; but that 
in any case I should not be allowed to do so before the 
morrow, seeing that all conununication with the sea 
stopped at sunset, always at 6 p.m.,^ and that the re- 
maining space of time would not suffice to procure the 
Emperor's authorization. Mr. O'Meara, Napoleon's Eng- 
lish surgeon, was charged to apprize him of my arrival. 
The Emperor said to Bertrand : ' Is this Piontkowski the 

kowski might come with him and had been refused. In reversing 
that refusal and proceeding to St. Helena, the Pole doubtless 
considered that he was carrying out the Emperor's wish, and 
looked upon himself already as officially a member of the suite 
under military discipline. Nothing had been said about a wife, 
however ; and, given the accommodation at Longwood, she 
certainly would have been de trop. 

^ Approximate. The latitude being 16 degrees south, there is an 
appreciable difference of almost exactly an hour between winter 
and summer. At the June solstice the sun sets at St. Helena 
^t 5.30, and at the December at 6.30, within a minute or so. 
Piontkowski reached the island just after the longest day and 
on casting anchor was— on his own showing — an hour and a half 
on the right side of the gun. As a fact, the CornK^ani came to 
a little earher than he states. 


same officer who followed me to Elba, and who wanted 
to be included amongst my domestics in order to come 
hither ?' and when the Grand-Marshal replied that it 
was, he told O'Meara to request the Admiral that I might 
be sent at once to Longwood : but the sun being set, I had 
perforce to remain aboard till the following day. Sir 
GecH-ge Cockbum greeted me most kindly, and gave me 
a horse of his to ride to Longwood, and accompanied me 
himself as far as Hutt's Gate. Here Ct. Bertrand came 
out and spoke to me on the road, and told me that the 
Emperor had already awaited me the previous evening, 
and that he himself would not ask me to alight and enter, 
lest it should put of! a single moment the satisfaction I 
should have in seeing Napoleon. Mr. Glover, the 
Admiral's secretary, came as far as Longwood with me. 
Here I found General and Madame de Montholon, General 
Baron Gourgaud, and Ct. Las Cases and his son Emmanuel 
at luncheon. The Emperor summoned me to his bed- 
room ; he was alone, and greeted me with a kindliness 
which surpassed my most exalted hopes.^ He asked me 

^ For an amnsing specimen of the unblushingly apocryphal 
' light artillery ' of St. Helena, compare Tyder's account : ' On 
the loth (sic) I was witness of an interesting scene. Colonel 
Pistowski, a young and brave officer who, according to the papers, 
had shown such a strong desire to follow Bonaparte, arrived from 
Pl3rmouth on the brig Marsouin, After having undergone a 
rigorous search, he was introduced to his Master by the Lieut.* 
Governor at a time when Napoleon was promenading with his 
whole Court. He gave one cry on seeing him, and stuttering 
a few words, threw himself into his arms. The ex-£mperor 
received his embraces with profound emotion. It reminded me 
of Friday finding Robinson in his desert Island ' {Bonaparte d 
Ste, H&dne, p. 109). Verily, Tyder must have been the expert 
' witness ' of a certain aphoristic Judge I 

Mrs. Abell is more veracious though still rhetorical : ' The 
Emperor retired early this evening. He had been in low spirits 
since receiving his visitor. . . . He proved to be a Count Piont- 
kowski, a Polish officer, who had formerly held a commission 
in " la grande arm6e/' and had landed in the morning, having 


for news of his Brother Joseph, who had remained in 
conceahnent in the environs of Rochef ort, and examined 
me in detail with r^ard to all the members of his Family. 
I had to confess that I was in entire ignorance of their 
fate, seeing that I was never allowed to land at Plymouth 
and that the newspapers had made no mention of them. 
He walked with me alone in the garden afterwards, and 
requested me to repeat to him all that I had heard 
related of him, whether good or evil. He added, ' They 
who conceal from me the evil spoken of me do me no 
service at all : hence speak with perfect candour.' I 
obeyed him implicitly and repeated all that I had either 
heard or read of him. He did not lose patience. Some- 
times he would exclaim, ' Ho I Ho !' and at others, ' That 
is not true ! Where there is a grain of truth in an evil 
report, it stings ; but inventions a la Pradt afiect me no 
more than when it is stated that I caused the Captain of 
a small English brig to be murdered 1' 

I was, at this time, still labouring under the impression 
that the English Government had only momentarily 
jnielded to the necessity of making so evil a return for 
the noble trust that the Emperor had extended to them 
in his voluntary surrender. The generosity of that 
Government towards my own person and the courtesy 
and kindness shown me by officers and civilians alike 
had seemed to me such ample justification for the flatter- 
ing ideas I cherished with regard to the Emperor, that I 

with great difficulty obtained permission to foUow his Master 
into exile ' to share with him the vulture and the rock. . . .' A 
long interview took place between them, which apparently 
excited painful reminiscences in the mind of the exile. I asked 
him afterwards about his visitor ; he seemed to have little 
personal recollection of him, but appeared gratified with his 
devotion, and observed he hdxl proved himself a faithful servant 
by foUowing him into exile ' {Recollections of Napoleon, Ed., 1844, 
pp. 85-86). 


already fancied Napoleon installed once more at Paris 
and at peace with England. Hence I reached Longwood 
filled with an enthusiasm for the English Government 
and Nation alike, and I spoke to the Emperor without the 
slightest reserve, just as if I was certain that he shared 
my sentiments : and, notwithstanding the nature of the 
situation in which he found himself at the time, and which 
I was totally unaware of, he was not at all put out by 
my candour, and he observed : ' Such conduct does 
honour to the English ; you have deserved it by your 
attachment to my person.' He conversed with me in this 
way for more than four hoiu:s, and then told me that I 
must go and call on Ct. Bertrand and his family, and 
retiun in time for dinner at eight o'clock. He added : 
' I will give you a seat at my table.' I was confounded 
by this act of kindly condescension, especially as I knew 
that the Emperor had never bestowed that distinction 
upon a subaltern officer, and that, at Elba, only Gen. 
Drouot had dined with him during the last few months 
of his stay in that island.^ Circumstances led soon to a 
change in this arrangement, and I messed with the 
Generals at limcheon and dined with Poppleton and 
O'Meara.* I was assigned a tent to myself for my 

^ ' Le G^n6ral Drouot mangera avec moi ' (P61is8ier : RSgisire 
de rile d'Elbe, p. 182). 

^ This is so clear and so corroborated that the following item 
might seem puzzling at first sight : 

' Messes of the Establishment, — Six diniler tables : Bonaparte's, 
Bertrand's, Piontkowski's, Poppleton and O'Meara's, Upper 
Servants, Under Servants. Nine Breakfast Tables : Bonaparte's, 
Bertrand's, Montholon's» Las Cases', Gourgaud's, Piontkowski's, 
Poppleton and O'Meara's, Upper Servants, Under Servants 
(CO., 247. 5, and 247. 8). The truth is that the amicable arrange- 
ment above did not continue until the end of Piontkowski's stay. 
One of the first things Lowe did was to cut down the allowance 
for the Poppleton table to £1 a day (i,e., 5s. in England — L.P., 
20,123, f. 179), and it is from that moment that the Pole begins 
to complain of ' starvation ' — ^the process probably became more 


OCTOBER 15, 1815— OCTOBER I5, 184O. 

From an unsigned aquatint, after a lithograph by 
F. Grenier, in the author's possession. 


quarters, like General Baron Gourgaud.^ I am almost 
ashamed to enter into the particulars of these dispositions 
that were so flattering for me and to ^hich I had not the 
faintest idea of aspiring. I knew no other ambition 
than that of continuing my service to the Emperor in 
whatsoever capacity might seem good to him and, whilst 
making myself useful to him, occasionally setting eyes 
upon the Greatest Man of all time. But to make you 
understand aright the Emperor's nature and the good* 
ness of his heart, I must tell you that his attentions to 
me went so far as to despatch M. Marchand, his head 
valet, to my tent at 7 a.m. on the morrow of ^'my arrival 
at Longwood, with orders to inquire whether I was well 
provided with change of linen and to let me have all 
that I might want out of his own wardrobe. The 
Emperor summoned me into the garden and questioned 
me upon the incidents of my journey, and told me that 
I should take up the duties of equerry imder the orders 

acute as time went on, and he had a table assigned to himself. 
In like manner, though on other grounds, O'Meara parted com- 
pany with Blakeney towards the end of his sojourn, and dined 
by himself, or, more often, at Balcombe's, where he met his 
fellow-surgeon Stokoe. A common bond united them. O'Meara 
had been rejected by Miss Breame, the daughter of the Company's 
Farmer, who married Balcombe's partner, the Postmaster Cole 
(L.P., 20,121, f. 233), whilst Stokoe had been non-suited by 
Balcombe's own offspring (L.P., 20,140, f. 53). The least the 
Purveyor could do to make the spited swains ' laugh it away ' 
was to tickle their palate. And his table was exceUent. 

^ At first : more substantial accommodation followed later 
with sundry changes. ' Montholon has at last evacuated his 
rooms and preparations are making in order to convert the large 
apartment into a library and the two small ones destined for 
Piontkowski, for which purpose a window is breaking out to 
windward of the closet and the door of communication between 
it and the large room is to be built up. Piontkowski's present 
room is to be made an office of for the confectionery, as the smoke 
of the present one destroys the furniture in the house ' (L.P., 
20,115, f. 341). 


of General Gourgaud, who was in charge of the stables. 
He said that he had no money, but that he could dispose 
of the funds that had been taken in deposit on board the 
Bellerophon, and that I must instruct Ct. Bertrand to 
place me on the pay-sheet at a salary of a thousand 
francs — ^£40 — per quarter, which was about the sixtieth 
part of the sum entrusted to Balcombe and the moiety 
of what he was able to allow Ct. Montholon, Ct. Las 
Cases and Baron Gourgaud.^ He added : ' One must 
renounce all that tends to make life at all endurable. 
This is a barbarous country — the island of fogs and clouds. 
They have imposed upon me restrictions which have no 
common sense, and which sunder Longwood from the rest 
of St. Helena as the Island is cut off from the remainder 
of the universe.' The greatness of soul and strength of 
character shown by Napoleon in his endurance of his fate 
would render him worthy of the admiration of the whole 
world, even if his life's record, glorious beyond aU others, 
had not already gained it. It is very difl&cult to form a 
correct notion of the trials he is subjected to and the 
obstacles he has to surmount. I feel sure that he is 

* Extract from Balcombe's Account, countersigned by Ber- 
trand : 

' Disbursements made by Mr. Balcombe out of the fund of 
4,000 Napoleons : 

Firstly — ^^280 as follows : 

Ct. Las Cases .. .. ;^8o 

Gen. Montholon . . . . ;£8o 

Gen. Gourgaud . . ;f8o 

Cpt. Puntowiska {sic) .. /40 


' Longwood, 

' Ap. 17, 1816.' 

(L.P., 20,115, f. 64, and CO., 247. 5.) 

Another copy is dated April 18. and gives Piontkowski in error 
only ;f2o (CO., 247. 13). 


the only man in the world who, placed in such a situa- 
tion, can make himself respected by a Governor invested 
with an illimitable power and instinct with the ill-will 
to abuse it, can earn the admiration of the officers of 
the garrison and the inhabitants alike, and can endure 
separation from his wife and son and his whole family, 
for \^om he cherishes the tenderest sentiments. The 
Emperor's views on family feeling may be illustrated by 
the following incident : A Mr. Urmston, one of the 
principal English agents in China, was invited to limcheon 
at Longwood, on his way back to England.^ The Em- 
peror conversed with him on the subject of that distant 
country and elicited many interesting details, and was 
presented by his chance guest with a copy of an English 
translation of the Chinese penal code. Napoleon had it 
explained to him and paid heed to the fact that it con- 

^ ' On Gen. Bonaparte's return from his ride on Sunday 
morning, Mr. Balcombe and Mr. Urmston (the gentlemen you 
gave a pass to) breakfasted with him ' (Poppleton to Lowe, 
May 7, 1816, L.P., 20,115, f. 124). J. B. Urmston, Supercargo 
at Canton and Macao, spent quite a little time with Cockbum at 
St. Helena. He greeted Lowe on his arrival and saw a good deal 
of him at Plantation. Lowe, who had a genius for systematizing 
his private intelligences — ^to put it that way — gave Urmston a 
kind of roving commission as anti-Napoleonic informer for the 
Far East, much as he utilized Farquhar for the Indian Ocean, 
Ellis for the Cape, and Cunninghame and Thornton for South 
America. (Strangely, he seems to have had no confidant of that 
sort for India, which, at this time, being more enlightened, was 
far less bitter against the fallen Potentate.) There are a good 
many letters from Urmston to Lowe, mostly distinguished by 
that truculence which residence in the East instilled into the 
official Englishman, witness Raffles and Hook. In one he informs 
the Governor that ' bets run high in the United States on Napo- 
leon's escape/ refers to the Followers as the ' French vagabonds 
at Longwood,' and to the amiable, if weak, Joseph and his Court, 
consisting of some of the most distinguished soldiers and states- 
men of the Empire, as ' the French Party in America, composed 
of the completest gang of vagabonds which could well grace a 
country' (L.P., 20,120, ff. 308-314). He must have meant 
disgrace I 


tained exceptionally severe penalties for those who fail 
in due respect to even remote relations, who neglect the 
means or let slip the opportunities of making their lives 
as happy as possible, and who frequent society within a 
certain fixed period of the death of their kindred. Having 
listened, he observed : ' The Chinese are more civilized 
than we Europeans : such penalties, however severe, are 
just ; for those who disregard the primal duties of nature 
towards their own flesh and blood can never make good 
citizens/ This devotion to his Family, which Napoleon 
manifests constantly, must, I am certain, cause him to 
feel that separation, without even exchange of letters, 
more acutely, if possible, than the loss of his Throne 
itself. Yet he exerts himself to enhearten by his example 
and his courage the ladies and the ^officers of his retinue, 
who have sacrificed their kindred, their fortunes, and 
their rightful expectations of all that can make life agree- 
able, in order to share with him his lot and his sufferings 
and undergo for his sake miseries and privations^ such 

*• More than once does Piontkowski complain of privations, 
and to Croad and Nagle he declares that he is ' half-starved.' 

' Semi-starvation ' means what you will ; and from the tabu- 
lated statements of Gorrequer, Ibbetson, and others, one would 
gather that the Exiles really had small cause for complaint on 
the score of supplies. The fact is that, like the years of Egypt, 
the quarters of Longwood varied considerably ; and it was gener- 
ally the lean cows that furnished the beef 1 Though the quarterly 
contracts might have been the same, the way they were carried 
out differed materially with the season, the purveyor, the middle- 
man, the Cape sailings, etc. As Piontkowski himself sa3rs 
later, it was less the quantity than the quality of foodstuffs 
and meats which left so much to be desired, and the careless 
conveyance of them to Longwood. The official and impartial 
statement of affairs in March, 1818, throws a light upon the 
poor quality of provisions and the damaged (avarii) condition 
they often were in (L.P., 20,121, f. 256). Pierron, on taking 
up the stewardship after Cipriani's death, draws up an interesting 
table in which he divides the Captivity down to date into four 
periods : during the first three the meats have been of second and 


as none can have any conception of. Even the few 
domestics who are left him, whilst wholly devoted, are 
well aware that they are indispensable to him and might 
anon be tempted to set a higher price upon their services, 
were it not that Napoleon, though moved by a touching 
kindness towards even their humble selves, knows how 
to manage them by the strength and inflexibility of his 
character. Witness the incident of the Persian man- 
servant. I will relate it with some fulness. 
The four principal domestics had a table to them- 

third-rate quality; during the last only have they been reaUy 
good (L.P., 20,122, f. 32). At regular intervals Gorrequer or 
Reade is called upon to inquire into the just complaints made 
against Barker, Fowler, Balcombe, Breame or Ibbetson. Forsyth 
gives us the most comprehensive of such investigations in August, 
1820, when every single item pretty well had fallen off, and ' il 
faUoit remonter la machine* as Montholon puts it (iii. 490). 
These official admonitions did good for a few days, or weeks, 
and the backsliding would start afresh. The bread, for example, 
would be ' good for a few days and then bad again ' (L.P., 20,132. 
f. 78). The quality of that bread was a chronic scandal. For 
over eighteen months Napoleon refused to touch it. Reade 
made repeated inquiries into it (L.P., 20,128, f. 370, etc.). The 
baker Carr's justification was both curious and convenient : 
' You can't tell what flour is like till you bake it ' (L.P., 20,207, 
f. 190). Or bread till you break it — and up went the batch to 
Longwood 1 They were not much better ofE for butter : ' Have 
the goodness to inform the Governor that no fresh Butter has been 
sent to Longwood House since April ist ' (Lutyens to Gorrequer, 
August lo, 1820, L.P., 20,130, f. 343). With the Company's 
Farm just round the comer, one might have expected better 
things. Then there were the depredations, and very ^pretty, 
indeed, must the pickings have been 1 ' I examined the Longwood 
Cart yesterday and found a few inconsiderable things in it, but 
upon examining the Carter's room (a private of the 66th) we found 
ninety-two pounds in cash. I fear there has been a complete 
system of plundering. I have confined the man ' (Reade to Lowe, 
February 22, 1818, L.P., 20,121, f. 224). Another * Tommy ' 
was found with twenty pounds of Longwood candles in his 
possession (L.P., 20,207, f. 76). Again : ' He [Montholon] then 
took me [Gorrequer] to the larder outside the House, where he 
pointed out to me the broken bars of the Venetian shutters, 



selves, served with the Emperor's own dessert and wine. 
They were M. Marchand, head valet ; M. Cipriani, major- 
domo ; M. Pierron, chief steward ; and M. Alix St. Denis, 
first chasseur. The remainder of the French-speaking 
servants were Noverraz, a Swiss, second chasseur ; Santini, 
a Corsican, usher of the Cabinet; the two brothers Archam- 
bault, grooms ; Le Page, chef ; Rousseau, silver steward ; 
and Gentilini, an Elban, head footman. These com- 
prised the second service table ; and they had asked out 
of politeness a French maid of Comtesse de Montholon 
to take her meals with them. The assistant cooks, foot- 
men and grooms, who were English soldiers or sailors, 
and whose rations were supplied by the Government, 
formed the third table, along with the private servants 
of the officers of the suite. Luncheon was timed for 
eleven o'clock, and dinner for as soon after eight as the 
Emperor's return to the saloon would allow : and he 
never remained more than twenty minutes at table. The 

through which they were robbed every night, he said, if they 
omitted to gather everything up in the middle of the floor in 
the evening. He conceived the sentinels must be concerned, 
for it could not be robbed without their knowledge ' (L.P., 20,121, 
f. 402). We generally term them Venetian blinds : * shutters ' 
was indeed a misnomer ! Those provisions piled up pell-mell 
' in the middle of the floor,' and circumvallated no doubt with 
sops of rat-poison, must have been a sight for the gods I Once 
again, the pity and the shafne of it 1 When they were not knaves 
they were fools or drunkards. We have seen how the milk fared 
at the hands of ' the boy ' : this of Barker's man, * The Person 
sent to-day [with the beef] is inclined to Drink and very little 
gets into his Head ; so that it will be necessary to give a caution 
on that head ' {sic) (L.P., 20,130, f. 265). Drink, with us. like 
the Devil, still retains the capital letter. At St. Helena they 
must have printed it in Old English 1 

To sum up : such best as was went to Napoleon's table ; the 
Generals had the next pick ; the rebtU was sent to Piontkowski, 
the Surgeon, and the Orderly ; and if, say, two Deadwood pigeons 
are officially supplied for three diners, and one is all skin and the 
other is stolen, what manner of a meal will they make ? 


forgoing particulars are needed to understand what 
follows. Colonel Skelton, Lieut.-Governor of the Island, 
who left when Sir Hudson Lowe arrived, had recom- 
mended a Persian man-servant to General Montholon, 
and he being in charge of the Emperor's household, owing 
to Bertrand's residing at Hutt's Gate, had seated this 
individual at the second table of the French domestics, 
forgetting that the private servants of the other general 
officers were entitled only to the third, and that the lady's- 
maid was there only by a special favour. The French- 
men grew quite angry at this unwarranted move on the 
part of Montholon and declared that they would rather 
each dine by himself, or even quit the Emperor's service, 
than be compelled to keep the Persian at their table. 
They grew so excited over it that the disturbance became 
general and reached the ears of the Emperor, as neither 
the major-domo nor General Montholon himself could 
settle the matter. Napoleon summoned Santini, whom 
he playfully called the leader of the revolted, and with 
him Noverraz, and told them that he was very sensible 
of the devotion they had always shown him in the past, 
and that he was certain that General Montholon did not 
mean anything by his action and would not have seated 
the Persian at their table if he had thought it would not 
be agreeable to them ; but that they were in the wrong in 
trying to force Ct. Montholon to remove him, instead of 
making more modest and becoming remonstrances. He 
spoke to them with the greatest kindness, but plainly 
said that he would never allow anarchy to reign in his 
Household, and added that as a penalty for their incon- 
siderate behaviour the Persian should remain at their 
table. This little lesson was needed, for already on 
several occasions the general officers had been shown but 
scant respect. The reproved servants thought things 


over, and though they were one and aU faithful and 
devoted to Napoleon and would sooner have been want- 
ing towards him when on the Throne than at St. Helena, 
they seemed to lose their heads to the point of laying 
down the law and declared once again that they had 
rather leave the Imperial service than retain the Persian 
at their table. The Emperor reproached Montholon 
upon his lack of consideration for his trusted retainers, 
but at the same time gave positive orders that every one 
of them at the second table must be seated at luncheon 
at eleven o'clock sharp, with the Persian, the subject, 
and Santini, the instigator, of the disturbance next to 
each other. Every man's account was made out ; those 
who failed to put in an appearance should be dismissed 
at twelve o'clock ; and any further observations upon the 
matter were strictly forbidden. I was in a state of 
painful anxiety, for I knew that the Emperor was re- 
solved to live without a single attendant rather than that 
any should slight his authority after he had condescended 
to speak to them in person ; on the other hand, I could 
see their excitement growing with the approach of the 
luncheon hour, and I feared what the upshot might be. 
But, fortunately, they all returned to the path of duty 
and were all seated at table a quarter of an hour earlier 
than usual, with the Persian next to Santini.^ 

The English sailors whom Admiral Cockbum had sent 
as extra servants to Longwood, and who had been re- 
placed by soldiers at Sir H. Lowe's arrival, left the 
Emperor's service with tears in their eyes. They begged 
they might be allowed to retain his livery in remem- 
brance of their having served so great a man, and they 

^ This storm in the ' servantorial ' teacup is not referred to 
by any of the Diarists, though they all mention Lowe's arrest 
of the Persian, whom they term variously Parsee» Lascar, Indian, 


all averred that they set more value upon these mementoes 
than upon their wages — ^£40 per annum} The Emperor 

^ The articles of agreement stipulate for £^0 per annum, paid 
quarterly, one suit of clothes, and sis' months' notice on either 
side. They are dated ' Longwood, 16 January, 1816,' and are 
signed by Montholon and eleven Englishmen, five of whom make 
their mark, and four of whom left in the course of the following 
March (L.P., 20,115, ^* ^» ^u^d ^- 237). The others were removed 
in May by Lowe after a short ' reprieve,' and replaced by soldiers 
of the 66th. Cockbum thought the agreement above, or, indeed, 
any private contract made by the French at Longwood, unofficial 
and non-binding unless ratified by the signature of the King's 
Officer in charge of them : which assimilates prisoners with out- 
laws and justifies Napoleon's taunt that Lowe wanted to come 
' between me and my valet.' Like Lowe, Bathurst, in his despatch 
of June 26, prefers soldiers to sailors, seeing that the latter are 
' peculiarly adapted to assist in an attempt to escape and may 
be wrought upon by fair words ' (L.P., 20,115, f. 236). Another 
slur upon the First Line I But Bathurst on the Navy is always 
good. There is a strangely modem ring about this to Lowe in 
April, 1818 : 'An attempt has, I agree with you, been made to 
make the Navy dissatisfied. Your having superseded one Admiral 
and differed with another was sufficient to move the jealous spirit 
of the profession ; but your good understanding with the present 
Admiral and attention to the Naval Officers on the Station will, 
I am sure, bring all matters round : but you must let the Navy 
have their talk, for on shore they cannot do without it. It 
may be in a wrong sense sometimes, but it will not always be so, 
unless you attempt to contest ' (L.P., 20,122, f. 198). Lowe's 
' understanding * with Plampin — ^from sinister motives, says 
M. Fr^meaux — ^was so good that he quite palliates the littie 
irregularity we know : ' It was known before Admiral Plampin's 
arrival here he was bringing out with him an unmarried female, 
with whom, however, he had been cohabiting for upwards of 
sixteen years (Lowe to Bathurst, April 9, x8i8, L.P., 20,122, f. 50). 
' Female ' — le mot juste / and the more rooted the sin the less the 
scandal, apparently. Still, Lowe cannot forbear criticism : ' The 
Admiral is extremely well disposed ; his sentiments most decided 
with respect to Bonaparte and his FoUowers ; but his very retired 
mode of life, apprehension of respon^bility, and his great intimacy 
with, if not obligation to, Mr. Balcombe [from whom he leased 
" Briars "] have tended to involve him in some very painful 
dilemmas ' (L.P., 20,207, ^* '4^)- Fl^unpin, on his side, espouses 
no less readily all Lowe's hkes and dislikes, especially as regards 
O'Meara, whom he dismisses as follows : ' I pray 3rou to under- 
stand I wish entirely to have done with the Dirty Vagabond' 


acquiesced in their demand and sent besides three gold 
napoleons to every man, to drink his health with. 
These good fellows tarried at Longwood another fort- 
night by leave of Admiral Cockbum and brought their 

(L.P., 20,133, ^* 359)' When his officers regret, after the Irish- 
man's departure, tilat they have seen so much of him, the 
Admiral replies that ' they had long been warned by him as to 
the character of Mr. O'Meara, whom they must have besides 
observed had never been invited at his House ' (L.P., 20,124, f. 88). 
One half wishes Barry had been there to retort it must have been 
due to a lapse of the Mistress ! Though Plampin might have 
rejoined ; for he has his lighter touches too, and he soon catches 
the Bathurst manner. When Stokoe visited Napoleon he found 
he had had vertigo and an alarming rush of blood to the head, 
and drew out a bulletin accordingly. Months afterwards, Plam- 
pin, sceptical to the end, was recalling the visit and sneering at 
* the d3dng Bonaparte ' (L.P., 20,127, f. 283). Like Poppleton 
with his one pun and Montchenu with his single saw, Plampin 
gives us an amusing political pronouncement ere he departs — 
on the Spanish Uprising : ' I admire the moderation of the 
Spaniards and think our muy amado Fernando Septimo may 
consider himself very fortunate to find his tHe de veau upon his 
shoulders and permitted to accept the Constitution 1' (L.P., 20,130, 
f- 133). One single breeze, too, occurred between the Governor 
and his pet Admiral. In January, 1820, young Doveton, whilst 
in command of Banks' Battery, fires a warning shot in front of 
an American vessel whilst the Windward Cruiser, H.M.S. Menai, 
is by her. Plampin resents this as a ' great disrespect to the 
Flag ' and charges Lowe rather curtly to ' prevent the repetition 
of a similar insult ' (L.P., 20,129, ^- 53)- [Which ' insult,' 
Balmain deposes, was offered to the Newcastle as she came to : 
who knows but what that trifle light as air — ^if a 25-pound shot 
can be so termed — ^may not have been the first thing to set Sir 
Pulteney against the Governor ?] Lowe does not see it in the 
same light, and exonerates Doveton, and his old ' Malcolmania ' 
is once again aroused : ' What most struck me in the Admiral's 
letter ... is the different style to any of his former communica- 
tions. I have the certain knowledge, however, that an active 
spirit has been at work to excite him and to makp the Navy in 
general discontented at the Regulations in force on this Island 
as affecting their authority. The Navy in general, I fear, are 
too apt to consider my situation here purely as a military one ' 
(Lowe to Bathurst, L.P., 20,129, f. 121). And the Governor 
proceeds to revendicate his paramountcy and political responsi- 
bility. As Malcolm felt, the Navy had its full share also ; and 


three gold pieces to General Montholon, with the request 
that he might take charge of them for the time being, 
as they were afraid they might go spending them, and 
they wanted to show Napoleon's portrait to their friends 
at home. 

The sailors from the Northutnherland,^ who worked at 
Longwood mider Mr. Cooper, the ship's carpenter (whom 
the Emperor presented with a gold snuff-box bearing 
his monogram), always showed the greatest consideration 
for the Emperor. The spectacle of fallen greatness 
moved them to such respect that the most absolute quiet 
reigned invariably amongst all these men encamped for so 
long within a few steps of the Emperor's dwelling, and 

Bathurst, in his less flippant moments, is of like opinion : ' I 
am strongly impressed with the idea that very much depends 
upon the Navy ' (Forsyth, iii. 251). That Service jealousy per- 
vaded all ranks, and the D.A.G. is especially d cheval sur le 
protocols : * Inclosed is the Proof Copy of the Additional Regular 
tions. I think you ought to style yourself " Excellency,'* 
particularly as the Admiral is in it ' (Reade to Lowe, L.P., 20,207, 
f. 236). Even Orderly Officers are not immune from it. When 
the visitor to Longwood is an Army man or a civilian he is 
graciously done the honours ; when he is a sailor he is eyed 
askance : ' It appears that Lutyens treated them [two R.Ni 
Captains] very haughtily. Their statements show the necessity 
of his wearing his uniform ' (L.P., 20^132, f. 14). 

Of the last Admiral, Lambert, one can only say that his rela- 
tions with the Governor were not so much cordial as correct, 
though his own flag-captain, Brown, fell foul of the latter, and 
wrote him a couple of ' impertinent letters.' He was jealous of 
the exclusive information Arnott was giving to Lowe during the 
Last Illness, and spoke to him on the subject. The Governor 
replied with a polite non-conunittal, and the Admiral then 
' declared his most absolute indifference as to what became of 
Gen. Bonaparte, so long as he did not make his escape, and should 
have nothing to require except to be able to satisfy himself of 
the identity of his Person when dead — for the due discharge of 
his own duty ' (Lowe to Bathurstj April 24, 1821, L.P., 20,140, 
f. 109). For Lambert's repellent cynicism, see my long note to 
his Journal (Appendix D). 

1 See Log of Northumberland, Appendix C. 


we never heard of any excess or breach of discipline on 
their part. Napoleon, who can rightly appraise merit 
wheresoever he may meet with it, had 8,000 francs (the 
tenth of his remaining fortune) placed at Admiral Cock- 
bum's disposal for distribution amongst the crew of the 
Northumberland: I am under the impression that Sir 
Geoige thought it advisable to await his Government's 
authorization before carrying out the Imperial desire. I 
have observed the same enthusiasm on the faces of these 
honest tars, when the Emperor put them some question to 
see if they could understand his English, as I have wit- 
nessed often at Reviews when Napoleon inquired of some 
old veteran if he was not present at such and such a battle. 

Here let me enter into a personal explanation. 

I soon noticed, during the first week of my stay at 
Longwood, that the reaUy extraordinary marks of the 
Emperor's good-will towards me (who could lay claim to 
no greater merit than that of sharing with the other mem- 
bers of his Suite their admiration of the Great Man) were 
not looked upon with a favourable eye by the Generals, 
more especially as the good opinions which I held of the 
English nation, and was at no pains to conceal, led them 
to fear that my presence in their midst might become 
detrimental to the best interests of their Imperial Master. 
I cannot blame them if the devotion they bore Napoleon 
rendered rather suspicious in their eyes the permission 
that I, and I alone, had obtained to rejoin the Emperor. 
Added to this was the fact that my unexpected good 
fortime had so dazzled me^ that I had forgotten what 
marks of respect and submission a subaltern officer owed 
to the Generals and especially to the personal friends of 
Napoleon. Without actually wanting towards them, I 
had undoubtedly neglected them, and it was my own 

^ M'avoit tellement ihloui. 


fault if they did not look upon me in a very favourable 
light. In proof whereof, I once overheard, when in my 
tent, a conversation which quite opened my eyes and 
revealed to me the fact that the Generals held the privilege 
of their admission to the Emperor's dinner-table as an 
indemnity for all the sacrifices they had made for him, 
and that this favour ceased to be such as soon as they 
had to share it with a subaltern of&cer. Count Las Cases 
added that the distance between myself and themselves 
was so enormous that the rank of Colonel which the 
Emperor might bestow upon me would make no difference 
at all. So I then and there decided to speak to General 
Montholon and explain to him that I had come to St. 
Helena in the hope of being of use to the Emperor, but 
never by any means to stir up unpleasantness and 
awkwardness for anybody concerned. I requested him 
to give me a seat at a service table, or to let me mess 
with Poppleton and O'Meara. Ct. Montholon seemed 
pleased with my explanation and said that only the 
Generals were meant to dine at the Emperor's table, 
Ct. Las Cases as Chamberlain and Councillor of State 
having the rank of Lieut.-General, and Emmanuel Las 
Cases being a mere child who did not count at all. He 
promised to give me a reply, but did not refer to the 
matter again the whole of that day ; and in these circum- 
stances, of course, I did not care to return to the Emperor's 
table at night. Two more days went by in this way 
without Montholon's coming to any decision concerning 
me ; and it was this uncertainty and silence on his part 
which gave rise to the report, bruited about, that Napoleon 
had given me a bad reception ; whereas, on the contrary, 
it was his very excess of kindness and condescension 
which had caused the whole affair.^ The Emperor, I 

^ Two unfamiliar testimonies will suffice. In a private letter, 
dated June 3, from a correspondent at St. Helena, anonymous, 


repeat, had granted me a seat at his table : the above- 
mentioned dissensions occurred which led to a change ; 
and thenceforth I luncheoned in the saloon with the 
Generals, and dined with Poppleton and O'Meara. When 
the Emperor, who habitually sat down alone to the first 
meal, varied things a little by having it served under the 
tent in the garden, he almost always asked me to join 
him, and often, too, he gave me a special invitation to 

The foregoing particulars shed so strong a light upon 
the internal arrangements of the Imperial household 
that, perhaps, I had better suppress them rather than 
compromise (sic) Las Cases, Montholon, and Gourgaud, 
although they deserve but small consideration in the 
matter. There is only too great a tendency abroad to 
place their blunders to the account of their Master, just 
as the errors of his Ministers and Generals have always 
been imputed to him in the past. One must have known 

but obviously in the know, the rumour is disposed of as foUows : 
' The statement respecting the Polish Captain is equally false 
and most scandalous. Instead of Napoleon having turned his 
back upon him and asked Las Cases " who that man was ?" he 
received him in the most polite manner and conversed with 
him upwards of two hours. Immediately after this Napoleon 
despatched one of his suite to ask him what he stood in need of — 
money, clothes, linen ?-— with directions, if he had none of the 
latter clean after so long a voyage, to furnish him with some of 
his own. To this was added an order for £^o or £50, which was 
immediately paid. He also had him to dinner for several days 
after ' {Morning Chronicle, July 24. 1816 ; Times, July 25, i8i6). 

And : ' This poor man [Piontkowski], after following Bonaparte 
here, is not admitted to his table entirely owing to the jealousy 
of the others. . I believe it arose merely from Bonaparte's having 
walked with him for three hours the first day of his arrival at 
St. Helena. Montholon forbade him the table on the plea that 
none but general officers were to be admitted. They have con- 
trived to persuade him that Capt. Piontikaioski (sic) came out 
as an English spy ' (From a letter of [Town-Major C.R.G.] Hodson, 
dated February 7, 1816, printed by Mr. Shorter). 


the Emperor at Elba and at St. Helena and witnessed 
the chicanes wherewith he is surrounded to be able to 
judge him aright. 

The limits established by Admiral Cockbum have been 
reduced.^ Sir H. Lowe, in his Letter of October 7 last, 

^ The Limits appear to have originated not with Cockburn 
but with Colonel Wilkes. On Napoleon's arrival, the then 
Governor pointed out ' the expediency of his person being seen 
periodicaUy, within as short periods as courtesy and humanity 
shall allow/ and he advises Cockbum to limit the Captive's 
range to Longwood and Deadwood Plain, north-west to the Alarm 
House, and south-west to Miss Mason's. He winds up with this 
pious opinion, which, in the light of all that was about to happen, 
was nothing less than sublime : ' I am persuaded there will be no 
ground of alarm so serious as that which shall result from our 
national kindness and humanity' (L.P., 20,114, f. 249). The 
only parallel is supplied by this other Plantation platitude : 
' That civility and politeness which has always characterized the 
British Officer in the execution of his duty ' {L.P., 20,128, f. 513). 
Especially Reade 1 Wilkes' authorship of the Limits was 
disputed, of all people, by Colonel Keating, who, in his letter of 
indignant self-defence to Greenwood, states that he suggested 
the Limits (L.P., 20,118, f. 297). One might suppose they were 
things to be proud of 1 

Much ink has flowed on this great question, and I will not add 
a drop to the statement of facts and opinions. But let me give, 
as bearing upon Lowe's petty curtailment of them, the spirit 
of the Limits. As I have said, Forsyth prints twice Bathurst's 
official despatch of January i, 1818. Thid was accompanied by 
the customary private letter, which I am tempted to reproduce 
as a whole ; but this will suffice : ' With respect to the Complaints 
made respecting the restrictions on the original Limits, there will 
be two questions perhaps pressed [in Parliament] in consequence 
of Bonaparte's statement ; first, what reason had you for suspect- 
ing that he availed himself of his more extended Limits to form 
improper communications with the Inhabitants, if he never went 
out ; secondly, why should you prohibit him from those places 
within the original Limits, to which he never went, as his never 
having gone there shews he could not have made a bad use of 
them ? The Case, I take it, was this — ^you had various reasons 
for apprehending that there existed in Bonaparte and his FoUowers 
an Inclination to contract Intimacies with the Inhabitants which 
might prove prejudicial to the discharge of your duties, and that 


gives it as a reason that tlie Emperor does not appear to 
require the space originally allotted to him, the whole 
of which he has never yet utilized for his outings since 
he (Sir H. L.) assumed the Governorship. He takes 
good care, however, to say nothing about any dangerous 
commerce with the inhabitants of the valley, whom we 
are stated by Lord Bathuist to have attempted to 
suborn, as such accusations could most easily be disproved 
on the spot. But it is impossible, on the other hand, 
to refute here in England the wind-borne stories that are 
current, since the Government deprived themselves of 
the means of knowing the real situation of the Emperor 
by placing him entirely within the discretionary power 
of a man like Sir H. Lowe. The speech of Lord Bathuist^ 

the original Limits were too extended for yon to have a satisfactory 
observation of what was going on/ and so forth (L.P., 20,121, f. 3). 
One comment only. Was ever a man, since we emerged from 
barbarism, save the Great Napoleon, penalized and punished, 
not for an act, mark yon, not for a word even, bnt for an ' Inclina- 
tion ' (ay, give it your capital letter I) unfairly ' apprehended ' 
by a monomaniac of a gaoler ? Add tiiis : ' These rides, though 
within that part of his Limits where it may be considered quite 
natural for him to take exercise, are still in that direction where 
it is most likely he would seek the means of approaching the 
Coast and of ascertaining by personal observation the nature of 
the difficulties that might stand opposed to it ' (Lowe to Bathurst, 
July 22, 1820, L.P., 20,130, f. 272). To the plain man Limits 
are Limits. Lowe apparently wanted yet limitations within them. 
So that, all told, one must be thankful for the Governor's assur- 
ance to the Secretary that when ships are in sight the Captive, ' is 
not subjected to any additional restraints ' (L.P., 20,126, f. 107). 
As ships of one sort or another put in or passed at the rate of 
about a dozen a week. Napoleon had otherwise spent his time in 
a cage I 

^ It is generally conceded that the tone of Bathurst's Speech 
was even more deplorable, if possible, than its mis-statements. 
Holland, in his rejoinder, stigmatized the gross breach of taste : 
' That Napoleon should be turned into ridicule was both in 
taste and feeling so improper in that House, that he was sorry 
the noble Earl should have followed such a course ' {Morning 
Chronicle, March 19, 181 7). The Examiner of March 24 was 


gives ample proof that we were not wrong at Longwood 
in surmising that General Lowe was going beyond his 
instructions and concealing from his Government his 
tjrannical proceedings. That Government is not even 
aware of the further restrictions imposed upon the 
Emperor and his retinue : in a word, they have no know- 
ledge of the contents of the above-mentioned Letter from 
Sir H. Lowe to Ct. Bertrand. The Emperor has dictated 
to General Gourgaud observations upon every single item 
in that Letter, and proved its barbarous, untruthful, 
and ridiculous nature. The observations were com- 
municated to the Governor ; and the Emperor exclaimed 
in addition thereto : ' Would it not be more generous to 
kiU me outright, seeing that even the mere shadow of 
respect is denied me ?' The Limits established by the 
Letter restrict the Emperor to just the road to Longwood 
as far as opposite Alarm House. It is strewn with posts 
and admits of no turning aside ; it is twelve or fifteen 
feet wide, and runs between an untitled slope and an 
arid valley, sumamed Devil's Punchbowl ; the valley to 
the left of Longwood is prohibited ground. There are 
no other houses than the hut (cahute) tenanted by Ct. 

more satirical : ' My Lord Bathurst takes valiant and lofty 
occasioii of a man's being wedged in adversity to crack jokes 
upon him/ The Emperor himself could not withhold his in- 
dignation : ' Lord Bathnrst might have made such a speech when 
he was on the Throne of France ; but it was shameful and unmanly 
to attack him in his present fallen situation ' (L.P., 20,118, f. 468). 
One is interested to note that, in that truculent age, the noble 
Earl's fellow-peers as a whole relished it : ' I dare say you was 
much gratified by reading Ld. Bathurst's reply to the Opposition 
in our House. I don't know that I ever enjoyed a thing so much. 
He kept us aU in a roar of laughter ' (Exmouth to Lowe, Novem- 
ber 25, 181 7, L.P., 20,124, ^' 3^)* It was Exmouth who con- 
gratulated Lowe upon his appointment thus : ' As Boney is to live, 
I rejoice with my Country he is in your hands ' (L.P., 20,114, 
f. 237). As ' Boney ' was to be let die in five years, his lordship 
might have spared us his bloodthirsty innuendo. 


Bertrand, and another which served as a guard-house, 
and is at present the residence of the Brigade-Major. 
When the Governor in the above-mentioned Letter 
forbids entrance into houses that are really non-existent, 
his only object, of course, is to make believe that the 
Limits lie within an inhabited part of the Island. This 
is quite contrary to the facts ; and I make appeal in the 
matter to the honour of Sir G. Cockbum and to the 
testimony of the soldiers and the inhabitants. Earl 
Bathurst has refused copies of the Instructions of the 
Governor of St. Helena and of the latter's correspondence 
with the officers of the Emperor's Household. Could 
he give a better proof that all that is contained in Mon- 
tholon's Letter is not only the truth, but that the treat- 
ment of Napoleon is even harsher than is stated in that 
document. The Emperor often used to ride abroad in 
the early morning or in the evening, in order to avoid 
the risk, incurred during the day-time, of catching liver 
complaint or dysentery, which latter has accounted for a 
great number of natives, soldiers, and sailors. In order 
to prevent the Emperor from taking exercise, or to com- 
pel him to venture abroad at an hour of day which 
threatens his health, the Governor has hit upon the 
expedient of closing Longwood from six o'clock in the 
evening to six o'clock in the morning. So far from inter- 
course being free with the officers and the inhabitants, 
as Lord Bathurst declared in the House of Lords, it is 
prohibited to such an extent that one is not even allowed 
to enter into conversation with anybody he meets along 
the Devil's Punchbowl. Tradespeople can only be com- 
municated with by means of open letters delivered to 
Captain Poppleton. So that Sir H. Lowe has permitted 
himself these tyrannical proceedings in opposition to his 
instructions, and even without troubling to inform his 

Trite LETTERS 223 

Government thereof. He declared during the month of 
August that he would send no provisions to Longwood 
unless the Emperor placed funds at his disposal. The 
Emperor made answer : ' I have asked nothing of your 
Government. It is a matter of mdiff erence to me whether 
you send anything or not. I am a soldier, and I have 
eaten more than once from a soldier's platter. In yonder 
camp that is near me there are brave soldiers who have 
won that title at the price of their blood. They look 
upon me with esteem as a distinguished officer, and tears 
come into their eyes when they witness the shameful 
manner in which I am treated. I will go and ask them 
to share their soup with me ; and there is not an officer, 
not even a private soldier, who will not with pleasure 
give me the half of his.'^ The Emperor repeated these 
reproofs at table. At Longwood one looks upon the 
shortage of provisions and the poor quality thereof as 
mere trifles ; likewise aU the other privations. Rarely is 
a complaint heard on that score ; but what is complained 
of, and rightly so, is the perpetual humidity of the house, 
the climate, the useless and barbarous restrictions, and 
the conduct of General Lowe and the officers of his staff, 
who take a delight in making felt the wretched power 
they possess of offending with impunity. Earl Bathurst 
says that the Lt.-Govemor would not have chosen a 
bad dwelling-house. I reply that he possessed good 
quarters at Jamestown, and that he utilized Longwood 
only as a country house. Longwood being Government 
property, was at the disposal of the authorities, whilst 
they would have been obliged to purchase or let any 
other country residence. The habitual dampness of this 

^ C/. ' I can dine with the Officers of the 53rd Regt. or if not 
with them with the soldiers ' (Lady Malcohn's account of the 
interview of August 18. And of, aU the Diarists). 


part of the Island brought an attack of dysentery upon 
Madame de Montholon and General Goiurgaud, which for 
a whole month made us fear for theur lives. All the ofi&cers 
have proved victims to the climate, which most naturally 
sets up rheumatism. Ct. Bertrand alone has not been 
ill, for the simple reason that he did not reside at Long- 
wood. The barometric and thermometric readings taken 
daily by Mr. O'Meara will bear me out in what I say about 
the unsuitability of the climate.^ 

^ About that climate, to which I have already referred. What 
are the ascertained facts ? 

The thermometer showed no great extremes : it was never 
really cold, and the registered temperature never exceeded 
75^ or So"" in the shade. But just as a few degrees of cold in our 
own humid and drizzly winter are more penetrating than the 
clear, dry, and invigorating ' zero ' of Canada, so the moisture- 
laden warmth of the Rock was in its effects upon Europeans tanta- 
mount to a much more African heat. For it used to rain a 
month at a time (L.P., 20,129, f- 219), generaUy from the south- 
east or south-south-east (the Logs seldom show any other wind). 
The Longwood plateau, from its position, got rather less rain 
than the Plantation vaUey ; in fact, as the soil of the former 
was neither pervious nor spongy, the Exiles would probably 
not have had reason to complain of humidity had it not been 
for their wretchedly constructed habitations. There are some 
twenty or thirty complaints of the Orderly Officer that the rain 
is coming through one or another's ceiling, often his own ; and 
Wynyard confesses that these wooden shanties can never be 
anything else but damp (L.P., 20,115, ^* 433)* -^ ^^r maladies, 
we are told that hydrophobia and smallpox were unknown — 
which is so much to the good. Catarrhal and inflammatory 
affections were endemic, and liver complaints (torpor, enlargement, 
induration, etc.) very common. As calomel was indicated for 
the latter, but contra-indicated by the former, the doctors were 
often puzzled as to treatment. There is an interesting conversa- 
tion between Wynyard and Montholon on the subject (L.P., 
20,122, f. 527). D3rsentery and other bowel disorders, and 
malarial, or perhaps, rather, colonial fevers (as M. Masson 
calls them), were a periodic scourge, and played havoc ynih the 
soldiers, and still more the sailors (' In the autumnal season of 
the year fevers and dysentries pcevail here in a very great degree,' 
Lowe to Bathurst, June 9, 1817, CO., 247. 9). Insolations 
were frequent, though by avoiding the sun between ten and three. 


As for General Lowe's delicacy of feeling, mentioned 
by Earl Bathurst in his speech, his conduct and his 
methods with us have shown that he knew but the bare 
meaning of the words, as you may judge from a trait or 
two I will give you. He had asked for written submis- 
sions to the restrictions which he should think fit to 
impose upon us : Ct. Bertrand returned a Declaration 

one conld escape them. Apoplexy, of the East-Indian variety, 
was not uncommon. It attacked old men like Buonavita, 
middle-aged men like Dr. Livingstone, young men like lieutenant 
Torbett (a native), and Napoleon himself had a touch of it in 
January, 1819. If the climate was so ' healthy ' — and apart 
from the Longwood writers who might be interested, the three 
Commissioners have not a good word to say for it — ^why that 
never-ending tale of sickness, and that everlasting procession 
of invaUds in the Lowe Papers ? Hardly a single one of the 
leading, the secondary, or even the third-rate figures escapes, 
and the sailors, soldiers, or civilians who are packed oft to Europe 
or to the Cape form' a running commentary upon the Captivity. 
Dozens of military officers, from Bingham down to young ensigns 
and comets, depart on the score of ill-health ; naval men — ^well, 
I refer to Appendices B, C, and D ; civilians, being mainly natives, 
show a less percentage of sick. Cipriani, Rainsford, Torbett, and 
others died ; Gourgaud and Dr. Livingstone aU but ; Montholon, 
Chandelier, Lepage, and other Frenchmen were constantly ill ; 
so were the three Commissioners — ^in Montchenu's case the 
' stoppages ' were probably the result of gluttony 1 Madame de 
Montholon has to leave on the usual ground ; Madame Bertrand 
and Lady Lowe are seldom well. Lowe has one recorded illness 
at least, in July, 1818 (L.P., 20,122, f. 59). Reade and Poppleton 
are perpetuaUy ' not very well ' ; Nicholls often so, and returns 
home ; Blakeney occasionally — ^Lutyens supplies the exception. 
Hodson is another sick man. Payne, Darling, Boorman, and 
other Longwood tradesmen are frequently hors de combat, ' con- 
fined to bed with a fever and can't come ' (L.P., 20,130, f. 29). 
Boys, Balcombe, Doveton, all have to recuperate in England. 
Doctors are not spared. O'Meara gets laid up ; a batch of naval 
surgeons are invalided home in z8i8 and 1819 ; also Verling^ 
Stokoe, and Baxter. Ei fen passe. Ay, every Jack man who 
can leave the Island does so, pretty well. The one who can'i is 
Napoleon — and he dies I And to say, with the disingenuous 
Montholon, that the climate, the confinement, and the black 
brooding did not contribute to his death, is to be wilfully regard- 
less of the etiology of cancer. 



signed by aU. As if to iiisult that officer, so worthy of 
all respect, General Lowe came over to Longwood for 
the purpose of laying before each one his signature, in 
order to legalize it. Again, Admiral Cockbum had given 
orders that the strangers or the inhabitants of the Island 
who wished to see the Emperor should apply to Ct. 
Bertrand to learn if and when the Emperor would receive 
them : these invitations of the Grand-Marshal served as 
passes to Longwood and were sent every evening to the 
Admiral by the officer on duty. But Sir Hudson Lowe 
gives passes to a host of strangers without asking whether 
it suits the Emperor's convenience to see them. His 
object is to disgust the Emperor with visits. These 
strangers will stand before the Emperor's windows or on his 
route, thinking apparently that a piece of paper from the 
Governor gives them the right to exact a sight of Napoleon ! 
The Emperor cannot always be in the humour to make a 
show of Imnself for visitors whose very name he is ignorant 
of ; he is often compelled to remain indoors to avoid such 
importunity. He sent word to General Lowe that he 
wished to see at Longwood only persons provided with 
authority from Ct. Bertrand, as he used in Admiral 
Cockbum's time. The Governor retorted that the Em- 
peror wanted to see no one ; and that was false. There 
is at St. Helena a staf! large enough for an army corps, 
in which a' captain is paid at the rate of 45s. per diem. 
These officers come to Longwood, where they have no 
business, and shout rudely and gallop with a train of 
dragoons and servants even right under the Emperor's 
windows, who, put out by such behaviour, had a letter 
written on the subject to the Governor. The latter 
distorted this into a declaration in which the Emperor 
was made to complain that the officers of the 53rd Rai- 
ment (for whom he had great esteem) came to Longwood. 


The provisions which the Governor sends to Longwood 
are thrown pell-mell into a cart — ^meat, bread, butter, 
chickens, vegetables, sugar — ^all one on top of the other, 
so that every article arrives fuU of some foreign substance 
and spoilt by the rain, the sun, or the dust. The slaves 
who carry the provisions to Ct. Bertrand's house have 
been forbidden to enter the courtyard, and the things 
are left in the roadway outside. The ' delicacy ' of Sir 
H. Lowe,^ so talked about, led him to want to have a 

^ Even Piontkowski smiles at Lowe's ' delicacy/ We get 
many protestations of such in the Papers, and the Governor 
is never so ' delicate ' as when working off his caprice or his 
spite on the Exiles, gutting private letters ' for the public good/ 
or prying into the Emperor's tabati^es after his death. There's 
much talk of it over NichoDs' abortive attempts to catch sight 
of the Prisoner twice in every twenty-four hours : ' It is considera- 
tion alone iot the feelings of General Bonaparte himself that has 
prevented personal intrusion upon him, and it is through this 
delicacy alone that he or his FoUowers have been enabled to 
level their slanders and calumnies against me ' (Lowe to Bathurst, 
January 20, 1819, L.P., 20,125, f. 163). Really ? Lowe knew 
for a certainty that the man who ' personally intruded ' upon 
the Emperor, were he the Orderly, the A.D.C., the D.A.G., or 
the Governor himself, would be shot dead on the threshold. 
If there was any consideration, it was for his own skin or his 
subordinates' ; and he knew Napoleon's temper better than to 
hold as a mere empty threat the words dictated to Bertrand 
officially in reply to Nicholls on September 3, 1819 : ' . . . 5^ Le 
corps de I'Empereur Napoleon est 4 la disposition de ses ennemis ; 
ils sont mattres de le tuer. Mais il ne se soumettra jamais k ce 
traitement ignominieux, contraire k ce qui est 6tabli depois 
quatre ans. 6*^ Vouloir violer son asyle et s'introduire par 
violence dans son logement, c'est provoquer au meurtre ' (L.P., 
20,128, f. 11). But that ' delicacy ' was a convenient solution 
of the dilemma Bathurst placed the Governor in by his ambiguous 
instructions : ' In the event of General Bonaparte declining to 
accede to this proposal . . . you will adopt such measures as you 
may think most effectual to prevent your being deceived as to 
his being actually at Longwood, taking care always that in adopt- 
ing these measures you pay aU possible consideration to the 
feelings and habits of General Bonaparte, etc' (L.P., 20, 1 23, f . 395) . 
That is, force his door, but force it gently ! Nicholls came near 
to putting it to the test of cold lead : ' The Governor had it in 


man hanged in front of Madame Bertrand's door, whom 
such an occurrence was boimd to shock painfully, seeing 
that she was far gone with child. 

The hatred of the Governor, and still more of his 
A.D.C. (sic), Sir Thomas Reade, against me went so far 
as not only to try and injure me in Europe, but even to 
endeavour to inspire the Emperor and his suite with 
contempt for me, by spreading the most ridiculous stories 
about me after my departure from St. Helena — as I have 

contemplatioii io order me to enter the rooms of General Bona- 
parte, to see whether he was present ; but Montholon's iUness 
prevented the execution of this duty ' (L.P.. 20,210, f. 15). 
When Napoleon is slowly d3nng, and lacks the spirit and the 
strength to make any physical resistance whatsoever, Lowe dares 
once more to talk of ' force.' Such a passage as this, in those 
circumstances, is repulsive reading : ' The Count hoped the 
Governor would not proceed to any extreme. The Governor 
replied : " Je suis fermement d^d^ k le faire et mdme k avoir 
reconrs k la force si j'y suis contraint " ' (Gorrequer's Minutes, 
March 30, 1821, L.P., 20,132, f. 350). And the A.D.C. instructs 
Lutyens the same day : ' If the Surgeon is not admitted, it is 
your means of observation alone that can save the employment 
of force, which must be had recourse to io^inorrow if your report 
does not render it unnecessary ' (Ibid., f. 337). That is what 
Forsyth idealizes as the Governor's ' firmness '1 Nicholls, like 
Lutyens (as we have seen), had a real delicacy of his own, which 
more than once drew forth the Governor's criticism : ' He [Lowe] 
thought I was rather too scrupulous in regard to the delicacy 
on which I acted by keeping so much out of Gen. Bonaparte's 
way. This conversation was brought on by the Governor asking 
me whether I had ever taken oft my hat to Gen. B. I told 
him I had never been near enough, which, in fact, was nothing 
but the truth' (L.P., 20,210, f. 35). You are left wondering 
whether Lowe wanted him to dofif his hat or not. Presumably 
not, when you find him telling Bathurst, over the ' Doveton 
picnic,' that the newly-knighted yamstock ' preserved the proper 
dignity and respect of his own character as an English gentleman 
by not condescending to the same obeisance as General Bona- 
parte's own FoUowers ' (L.P., 2o«i3i, f. iii). Counts Bertrand 
and Monthdon had removed their hats when lunching on the 
lawn with Napoleon. But they, you see, were not of the bulldog 


just learned. Although I could only 6peak to one officer^ 
on the journey to the Cape (whose behaviour from the first 
made me refrain from all commerce with him), it was 
reported in the Island that I had boasted that the 
Emperor had wept all night because he had been forced 
to part with me ! — he, who is sundered from his Family, 
who has lost his throne and millions of adherents, and 
who endures his misfortunes with unexampled fortitude ! 
One must be mad to expect people to believe such 
miserable calumnies. 

I could cite several things more of a like nature, but 
I content myself with giving a just idea of the ' delicate ' 
manner in which Sir H. Lowe treats the Emperor and 
his suite. He did not even scruple to arrest in person, 
and dismiss without saying why, a domestic whom 
General Montholon had engaged on the recommendation 
of the late Lt.-Govemor.^ The books sent to Longwood 
are paid for out of the 4,000 napoleons which were taken 
from the Emperor in deposit on the BeUerophon, and of 
which the remainder, as well as the silver plate, was 
swaUowed up at St. Helena. The Editor of the AnH-- 
GdUican gave out that his paper was utilized for a cypher 
correspondence, and this reason is assigned by Earl 
Bathurst for the refusal to send papers to Longwood. 
It seems strange to me that any persons who may have 
worked to enter into correspondence with St. Helena by 
means of papers should not have taken the trouble to 
inquire what papers reached the Emperor, instead of 
addressing themselves to a sheet whose very name is un« 
known at Longwood. Earl Bathurst is ignorant of the 
reasons that the Emperor may have for desiring a free 

1 Ensign Croad (p. 102). ' From the first conversation ' pre- 
sumably, for, as we have seen, there was at least one. 
^ The Persian aforementioned. 


correspondence, so as to procure money for meeting his 
wants. Is it not likely that General Lowe's action in 
asking the Emperor for funds, which he knows him to be 
without at St. Helena, should engender a suspicion that 
people only wish to ascertain whether the Emperor has 
means in Europe and where they are located ? And is 
it to be wondered at that the Emperor is in no hurry 
to supply that information ? Earl Bathurst says that 
the precipitate departure of the Emperor for St. Helena 
precluded the making of arrangements for the Emperor's 
pleasure; yet it was not during Admiral Cockbum's 
time, but since Sir H. Lowe's arrival, that everjrthing 
has been short at Longwood. The only way to save 
the Emperor's life at St. Helena is to give him a dwelling- 
house in a healthy part of the Island, not to restrict him 
in his habits of exercise, to free him from General Lowe's 
insults, and to provide him with wholesome food : all this 
could be quite consistent with the safety of the Emperor's 
person, if the Governor was limited to watching and 
defending the Island and its shores by land and sea, and 
if all that touches the Emperor and his household was 
settled by a council independent of the Governor, and 
consisting of superior ofi&cers and the chief civilians. 
The Emperor has often expressed himself to that effect. 

A day seldom went by without giving me the oppor- 
tunity of admiring a trait of kindness on the part of 
Napoleon ; I should never end if I went into details ; 
moreover, I am not authorized to do so, and the Emperor 
does not like people to act unbidden. Napoleon rises 
early, drinks cafi-au^laii at eight ; he luncheons at 
eleven, generally alone or else in the garden, when he 
invites the of&cers of his suite and sometimes strangers 
who are by chance at Longwood ; he dines at 8 p.m. 


No man can be more abstemious than he : it is his practice 
to rise from table with appetite still left, and he drinks 
only about a quarter of a bottle of claret, mixed with 
water, at a meal ; after dinner he has a snuill glass of 
wine of Constantia with the dessert. He never has 
liqueurs, and remains but twenty minutes at dinner, and 
then passes to the saloon, where he at once drinks a cup 
of cafe-au^lait. Before General Lowe's arrival he often 
rode out, either at 5 a.m. or in the evening ; but Lowe, 
who has had Longwood locked up from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m., 
has thereby deprived him of his only recreation, for one 
can't go out during the heat of the day without exposing 
one's health. Napoleon always rides the same horse, 
which he is very fond of, and caresses and calls his 
' faithful,' and he is amused when the horse knows him 
from afar. The Emperor always wears mufti at St. Helena, 
usually a green coat that Santini (who perforce became 
his tailor and even cobbler) altered from a hunting cos- 
tume ; with it a waistcoat, white breeches and shoes, and 
on his breast the star of the Legion of Honour. He has 
the best-turned leg and the handsomest hand you could 
see, and the whole figure is in perfect proportion. He 
puts boots on only for riding purposes, and seldom dresses 
in grey or brown, and never dons uniform. He spends 
the whole day in reading, writing, or dictating the memoirs 
of his life. The suite assembles at 6 p.m. in the saloon, 
when the Emperor often speaks of his youth, of which he 
can recall the minutest circumstance. Even in those 
days the King of Corsica^ said: 'Napoleon, you are a 
man out of Plutarch !' Occasionally he indulges in 
cards or chess, or Mesdames Bertrand and Montholon 
play on the piano. If any strange ladles are present, he 
invites them to chess or cards. The English ladies and 

^ J.e., Paoli, the Corsican Chieftain. 


officers who have had the honour of conversing with him are 
well aware that no man could be more affable and amiable 
than he ; he even amuses himself by sending sweets to 
the ladies ; and no one has ever left his presence without 
being enchanted with his kindness and his pleasan[t 
manners. He seems to be made to be admired in every 
possible respect. 

Misfortune is so just a title to inspire delicacy that 
even an ordinary gaoler, having in his charge a prisoner 
of some distinction, does not venture into the gaol with- 
out ascertaining if his visit be not ill-timed and allowing 
the latter to fix the hour. Sir H. Lowe is unacquainted 
with this customary civility of gaoleis. He reached 
St. Helena on April 15 in the evening, and at once wrote 
to Ct. Bertrand that he would come to Longwood on the 
morrow at 9 a.m. (an unsuitable hour) to see the Emperor, 
without ascertaining whether the Emperor was disposed 
to receive him then. 

He passed by Ct. Bertrand's house without calling, and 
arrived at Longwood at 9 a.m. without the Grand-Marshal, 
although he knew that the Emperor had never seen any- 
one who was not presented to him by Ct. Bertrand. 
This strange behaviour and the total want of respect due 
to a great man in adversity made the Emperor refuse 
to see General Lowe ; who was obliged to return as he 
had come» and was informed that he must address himself 
to Ct. Bertrand to know when Ns^leon would be willing 
to see him. Bertrand, after taking the Emperor's orders, 
let Sir H. Lowe know that he would be received on the 
morrow at 4 p.m., the hour at which the Emperor always 
gave audience to visitors. The Governor arrived with 
Admiral Cockburn and his Stafi. We were in the billiard- 
room when Ct. Bertrand told the usher that the Emperor 


asked for the Governor. Being used to showing in only 
the person mentioned, the usher closed the door after 
Sir H. Lowe without noticing that Sir G. Cockbum was 
with him. The Admiral took this mistake^ of the ser- 
vant's for an order of the Emperor's, and deemed himself 
offended. It was not the case at all, and Ct. Bertrand 
gave him an explanation, and the Emperor even sent 
the Grand-Marshal to Jamestown at the time of the 
Admiral's departure to wish him a pleasant voyage. 
But he would not consent to dismiss the domestic who 
had closed the door after the Admiral, as the latter had 
requested, for it would have been unjust to a retainer 
who had never failed in his duty. 

Admiral Malcolm was highly esteemed by Napoleon. 
I have several times heard the Emperor asking if ' our 
Anglo-Scot had not yet arrived.' He also saw Lady 
Malcolm with pleasure, and on several occasions took her 
driving in his carriage. The Emperor has always shown 
the greatest interest in the persons of his suite. During 
the illness of Madame de Montholon and of Baron Gour- 
gaud he never failed one single day to go and pay them 
a personal visit, and that though their ailments were 
dangerous and he was exposing himself. He visited 
Madame Bertrand at Hutt's Gate every time she was out 
of sorts. He was most attentive to them all, and con- 
tributed much to their recovery by the interest he mani- 
fested. He always asked O'Meara after the state of 
health of his retinue, and as long as anyone was ill the 
first order he would give in the morning was to his valet 
to go and inquire after the invalid's condition. 

You have heard the praises that are bestowed far and 
wide upon Ct. Bertrand, but one must know him to do 

^ Possibly ' this slight.' It is not dear whether the writer 
meant nUprise or mSpris. 


full justice to him. He is really worthy of his renown. 
Madame Bertrand was saying one day to me : ' There is 
not another Bertrand in the world. I think the mould 
for making such men is broken. He is perfect in every 
respect. Do you want a distinguished ofl&cer and the 
personification of fidelity to his master — see Bertrand : 
do you want a model for a good son and relative, a tender 
husband and father, a sincere friend, and a charming 
man in society — ^you will find all this united in him !' 
Madame Bertrand does not overstate things, and no one 
who knows him well but would echo the good opinion she 
has of her spouse. He is always the same, and I never 
met so amiable a man : the officers of the brave 53rd 
Regiment can ]U(tee. I will speak to you later on of the 
other general offers of the Emperor's retinue. Their 
devotion to him deserves much praise. Napoleon said to 
me, when he was told that I must leave the Island : 
' They are removing you. Go ; you will find friends every- 
where, and anywhere you will be better off than in this 
miserable country. They wish to punish you for having 
done your duty : I will give you good certificates and the 
grade of Chef d'Escadron (cavalry Major) : go and rejoin 
my Family; your Declaration and Montholon's letter 
will suffice to make known our situation. You must 
keep copies of them.' I pointed out to the Emperor the 
difficulty of taking papers with me, and I proposed to him 
to learn by heart these two dociunents as the sole means of 
eluding the search ordered by General Lowe. I thus 
memorized them during my remaining time at Longwood ; 
and I wrote out three copies on the way [to England], 
which I gave to the three servants of the Emperor when 
they were landed at Portsmouth, and I was still detained 
on the frigate. At my departure from St. Helena they 
had searched down to the shirt collars, even the servants'. 


I counted upon the servants being able to reach the 
Emperor's Family sooner than I, and strongly urged 
upon them they should make no noise and no other use 
of these copies than to hand them to the Imperial Family. 
Rousseau and Archambault left quietly for America, 
whilst Santini amused himself by writing to the Press 
here [in England] without authority from the Emperor 
and in opposition to Ct. Bertrand's formal warning. I 
am persuaded that Napoleon will be very angry at this 
inconsiderate step, more especially as Santini has not 
even understood certain details which I imparted to him. 
The Emperor never ordered the Governor out of his 
presence ; but he gave the order that Sir H. Lowe should 
never be shown in unless he had previously presented 
a command from his Government to assassinate him. It 
is the Emperor himself who fixed the quantity of wine 
for the officers of his suite, and not the Governor ; and 
it is infinitely beneath the Emperor's dignity to make 
mention of these miserable details of food. Napoleon, 
the most abstemious man who ever lived, never con- 
descends to speak of these things, and the officers of his 
Suite have never complained of the quatUiiy of provisions 
but sometimes of the quality, and of the lack of good water 
and bread. 

Count Bertrand has authorized me to assure positively 
the Imperial Family that he will never leave the Emperor, 
and that he will only return to Europe to arrange for the 
education of his children on condition that the English 
Government guarantees him the facility to rejoin his 
Master. . . . 

Cbtbra Dbsunt. 



B. St. Hblbna Sailings and Calls. 

C. Ships' Logs. 

D. Admirals' Journals. 

E. Lowe, Rbadb, Plampin and Co. 

F. Thb 'Plot' op 1817. 

G. Two Letters of Capel Lofpt. 


I.— THE DECREE OF APRIL 27, 1815. 

Au Palais dbs Tuilbries, 

Le 27 AvHl, 18x5. 

Napoleon, Empereur des Fran^ais : Nous avons d6cr£t£ et 
d6cr6tons ce qui suit. 

Article i^. 

II est accord^ sur notre Domaine extraordinaire une 
Dotation de 200, transmissible k leurs enfans, k chacun des 
sous-offiders et soldats, compris dans I'Etat No. i, annex6 
au Present D6cret, qui nous ont suivi dans I'lsle d'Elbe. 

Article 2^. 

n est accord^ sur notre Domaine extraordinaire une 
Dotation de 200, transmissible k leurs enfans, k chacun des 
sous-officiers et soldats compris dans TEtat No. 2, annexe au 
Pr&ent D6cret, qui nous ont suivi dans Tlsle d'Elbe. 

Article 3*. 

Notre Intendant G^n&ral ayant dans ses attributions le 
Domaine extraordinaire est cbaig^ de Tex^cution du Present 

{Signi) Napolboh. 

Annexi : Etat nominatif des militaires faisant partie des 
troupes venues de Tlsle d'Elbe auxquels I'Empereur accorde 
une dotation de 200 francs transmissible k leur enfans. 



No. I. Hommes qui avoient la Ddcoration avant le d6part 
de Fontainebleau : 

^^ Cavalerie Chevau-Legers Polonais, 

. . . 144. Lada, Etienne. 

145. Pioniowski, Fridiric. 

ArtiUerie de la Garde, 

146. Garcin, Jean-Baptiste. 

• • • 

{Archives Rationales A.F}"^ 859 '^) 


A Son Altesse S£r£nissime, Monseigneur le Mar£chal 
Prince D'EcKMiJHL, Ministre de la Guerre. 

MoN Prince, 

Charles Piontkowski, depuis trois ans Lieutenant 
de i^ classe d'Etat Major, a joint Sa Majesty k I'IsIe 
d'EIbe, et est le premier ofBcier qui a suppli6 et obtenu 
rhonneur d*y servir comme simple soldat. II est entr6 dans 
les grenadiers et puis dans les chevau-16gers de la Garde, et a 
suivi Sa Majesty jusqu'^ Psiris. Par D6cret du 16 du 
courant il est nomm6 Lieutenant dans la Cavalerie sans 
indication du Regiment qu'il doit joindre. II parle et 6crit 
plusieurs langues, et supplie Votre Altesse S6r6nissime de 
vouloir bien le placer k I'Etat-Major ou dans le i*', 3*, 4* ou 
6® Regiment d'hussards, s'il ne pent pas £tre plac£ dans la 
Garde faute de place. II se flatte de voir accomplir ses 
voeux et a Thonneur d'etre avec le plus profond respect, 

Mon Prince, 
De votre Altesse S6r£nissime, 

Le trds humble et tr& obeissant serviteur, 


Le 25 Avril, i8z5- 

ApostiUi: Mr. Piontkowski est venu dans Tlsle d'EIbe 
servir Sa Majest6, comme simple chevau-16ger quoiqu'il soit 


Lieutenant depuis plosieors anndes. II a proav£ beaucoup de 
zdle et de d6vouement pour Sa Majesty. 

{SignS) Le Lieutenant-G6n6ral, 


U i« Mai, 1815. 

(Min. Guerre Arch. Ad. Dot. CSlSMiSs.) 

iii.-<:ertificates and receipts. 

No. I. 

Je certifie que Mr. Piontkowski a montr^ pendant 9on 

s^jour dans I'lsle d'Elbe, et pendant la marche de TEmpereur, 

le phis grand z&e et le plus grand d6vouement pour Sa Majesty ; 

j e n'ai que des floges k donner de sa conduite. 

Le Lieut.-Gto6ral, Aide-de*Camp de Sa Majesty, 

(SignS) Cte. Drouot. 

Le i^ Jidn, 181 5. 

No. 2. Monsieur Piontkowski, Capt. aux Chevau- 

L£gers Lanciers. 

Au Palais de l'Elys^e, 

Ls 23 Jain, 18x5. 

L*Empeieur me charge de vous pr6venir, Monsieur, que 
vous des admis k la faveur de le suivre dans sa letraite. 

Le Grand Mar^chal, 
{Signi) Bsrtran0.^ 

No. 3. Monsieur Piontkowski, CAnTAiNB. aux 

Chevau-Legers Lanciers. 

Les drconstances for9ant TEmpereur Napolfon k lenoncer k 
vous conserver prds de lui, Sa Majesty me charge de vous 

^ ' Comte ' crossed out in the copy. 



assurer qu'EUe a 6t6 contente de voire conduite dans ces 
demiers terns i qu'elle a €t6 digne d'doges et confirme ce que 
Sa Majesty attendoit de vous. 

Le Grand Mar6chal, 

{SignS) Cte. Bertrand. 


Ce 7 A<M, 18x5. 

No. 4. Monsieur le Chef d'Escadron Piontkowski. 

StE. H^LtNB, 

Ce 19 Oct,, 1816. 

Les preuves d'attacbement que vous avez donnSes en 
suivant I'Empereur Napol6on k I'lsle d'Elbe, oii vous avez 
vouhi servir comme soldat, n'y ayant [sic] pas de place 
d'offider vacante, et en venant le rejoindre k Ste. H^&ie, 
seront toujours pour vous un titre k la bienveillance et de la 
Famille et des amis de I'Empereur. 

Veuillez agrder les sentimens avec lesquels j'ai I'honneur 
d'etre votre tvis humble et trte obeissant serviteur, 

{Signi) Le Cte. Bertrand. 

No. 5. Par ordre EXPRks de l'Empereur Napol£on. 
LivRET DU Chef d'Escadron Piontkowski. 

Le Chef d'Escadron Piontkowski, ayant donn6 des preuves 
d'attachement en suivant I'Empereur Napol&)n k I'lsle d'Elbe, 
depuis k Ste. H61tee, et ayant d^ quitter ce dernier s6jour ; 
I'Empereur, n'dtant que satisfait de sa conduite, reconunande 
k ceux de ses parens ou amis qui verront cet 6crit de I'employer 
dans son grade de Chef d'Escadron de Cavalerie, et de lui 
f aire compt^ une gratification de deux ann^ de ses appointe- 
mens, en dcrivant le montant de ladite gratification au bas 
du livret. Enfin il leur recommande de I'aider et I'assister. 

(SigpiS) Le Cte. Bertrand. 

StB. HiLiNE, 

Le 19 Od., 1 8x6. 


No. 6. 

Rega de Fkris le 8 Mai, 1817, d'une source inconnae, la 
somme de 2,000 francs. 

No. 7. 

Sold6 a Mr. le Chef d'Escadron Piontkowski la somme de 
6,000 francs, d'ordre de Mr. Torlonia et Comp., et pour le 
compte de Madame, Mdre de TEmpereur Napol6on, par 
Messrs. Baring frdres et Comp. 


2> 12 JuiUei [1817]. 



TO APRIL, 1822.1 

[Compiled from St. Helena Sailing List (L.P., 20,161) ^ ; Cape 
Sailing List (L.P., 20,226) ; Ships' Logs ; Admirals' Journals ; 
Cockbum's, Lowe's, Bathurst's, and Somerset's Despatches 
(L.P., 20,114 — 20,133) ; the St. Helena Letter Books (L.P., 
20,135 — 20,140) ; Reade's Correspondence (L.P., 20,207) ; the 
Orderly Officers' Journals (L.P., 20,208 — 20,212) ; the Colonial 
Office Records, the St. Helena Records (Janisch) ; the Diarists ; 
the contemporary Press, and other sources.] 

asarrives from ; s» sails for. 


Oct, 10 : H.MS. Icarus (Cpt. Devon) a England ; s Oct. 18 
on a cruise, and returns to the Station Nov. 27 ; s England 
Jan. 28, 1817. 

Oct. II : H.M.S. Ferret (Cpt. Stirling) a England ; cruises 
ofE the Island, and s England Mar. 27, i8i6. 

Oct. 12 : H.M.S. Havannah a. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

1 Vessels, persons, cargoes, and dates presenting no interest 
whatever are omitted. 

^ The ' St. Helena Sailing List ' lacks beginning and end, has 
many omissions (especially of men-of-war), and is often inaccurate. 
It was apparently posted up on the arrival of the ship, and the 
date of sailing is often speculative. Verification by Logs and 
Journals is necessary. It starts with Lowe's arrival on April 14, 
1816, and ends at June 4, 1821. It does not mention passengers 
before October, 18x7, and then only erratically. The ' Cape 
Sailing List ' is a mere fragment. 




Oct. 15: H.M,S. Redpole (Cpt. Denman) a England; s 
England Oct. 22 ; reaches Falmouth Dec. 2.^ (And see 
Aug. 15, 1818.) 

Oct. 15: HM.S. Peruvian (Cpt. White) a England; s 
Oct. 18 to take possession of Ascension,^ and remains tUl the 
Spring. (And see June 5, 1816.) 

OcL 15: HM.S. Zenohia (Cpt. Dobree) a England; s 
Oct. 18 in company with the Peruvian on her mission, and 
returns to St. Helena. 

Oct. 15 : H.M.S. Northumberland a. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

Oct. 19 : H.M.S. Bucephalus (Cpt. Westropp) a England ; 
s Cape Oct. 24 in company with the Havannah, with ' 79 
foreigners, soldiers, and others ' deported from St. Helena. 
Returns Feb. 14, 1816. 

Oct. 26 : H.M.S. Zephyr (Cpt. Rich) a England. Cruised to 
and from the Cape, etc. 

Oct. 27 : H.M.S. Ceylon (Cpt. Hamilton) a England. Cruised 
to and from Cape, etc' 

* The fastest passage home daring the Captivity, forty-one 
days. By her went Cockbum's long despatch to Croker, ' three 
deported Frenchmen, seven invalids and four gentlemen ' 
(L.P., 20.114, f. 250). 

' Theretofore no man's land — a matter of precaution : ' Oct. 
22, 1815. — ^At 5.30 p.m. Capt. White in company with C^t. 
Dobree went on shore and took formal possession of the Island 
in the Name of his Britannic Majesty. At 7, sent boats on shore 
to catch Turtle * (Log of Peruvian). 

* Oct. 22, 1 815. — ^At sunset hoisted the Union on shore, and took 
possession of the Island in the Name of his Majesty ' (Log of 
Zendbia). AU the successive steps taken to ensure possession 
are set forth in the two Logs, and form an interesting summary 
of a typical case. 

' The foregoing ten vessels, being the Flagship and her escort, 
took out the first consignment of the additional troops required 
for the Detention. The 2nd Battalion 53rd Regiment, which 
was in garrison at Portsmouth, embarked on the Bucephalus 
and Ceylon, a number of men being drafted on to the Havannah 
the first day out. The sixty-five N.C.O.'s and men of the R.A. 
(Irish to a man, sa3rs Cockbum, and insubordinate on the way 
out) went mostly in the Northumberland with Captain Greatly. 
The eighteen dragoons under Comet Hoath, required for orderlies, 
were procured from the Cape. The St. Helena Regiment and 
the St. Helena Artillery were ahready on the spot. The 2nd Bat- 


Nov. 6: Bombay (Cpt. Hamilton) a India; s England 
Nov. 12 with duplicates of Cockbum's despatches, Warden's 
and O'Meara's letters, etc. 

Nov. 15 : H.MS. Weymouih, storeship (Cpt. Turner), a 
England vnih coals, stores, etc., and remains at anchor. 

Dec. I : H.M.S. Arid (Cpt. D. Ross) a Cape ; s England 
Dec. 2 with Surgeon Morgan, Lt. Warren, and despatches. 

Dec. 7 : 5i> G. Cockburn, transport ; a England with details 
of troops. 

Dec. 9 : H.M.S. Minden (Cpt. Mackay) a Cape ; s England 
Dec. 13 with the first Longwood letters^ and despatches which 
Lt. Vincent delivers at Spithead on Feb. 4, 1816. (And see 
Aug. 16, 1820.) 

Dec. 29: H.M.S. Cormorant, storeship, (see Log, Ap- 
pendix C) ; Thomas and Mary, transport ; Hercules, an 
American vessel ; a England 


{January — March : Numerous ' strangers ' pass in sight ; 
a Russian, a Swedish, and a Portuguese vessel put in ; many 
ships are boarded ; a few are chased and escape.] 

Jan. 10 : H.M.S. Leveret (Cpt. Theed) a England. Remains 
on the Station till Nov. 16, 1820. Cpt. Theed's visit to 
Napoleon on arrival. 

Jan. 10-12 : H.M.S.'s Medway, Tamar, Harpy, and Liver- 
pool call. Visit of Rr.-Adml. Sir C. Tyler, late C.-in-C. at the 
Cape, on his way home. 

Feb. 5 : Thames, whaler, a and s. (See p. 133.) 

talion 66th Regiment, the forty-seven R.£. Sappers and Miners 
under Emmett and Wortham, and the seventeen R.S.C. under Basil 
Jackson, arrived in the spring with Lowe. The ist Battalion 
66th Regiment arrived in the summer of 1817, to relieve the 
53rd, of which only about sixty men were left behind. A good 
few, however, enlisted in the Island Regiment. The 20th Regi- 
ment arrived in the spring of 181 9 to relieve the 66th ; a detach- 
ment of the latter remaining till the end. The total number of 
troops on January i, 1817, was 2,190 ; on January i, 1818, another 
hundred or so more. 

^ Including Montholon's letter to his friend at Nogent : ' Nous 
sommes 6tablis k Longwood. La maison n'est pas bonne, mais 
la campagne est assez belle et le pare agr^able ' (CO., 247. 4). 


Feb. 7 : H.MS. Theban (Cpt. Leslie) a Cape ; s Feb. 10 
England. The Captain's visit to Napoleon. 

Feb. 28 : CornwaUis (Cpt. Huntly) a Cape ; s June 7 England. 
Cpt. Huntly visits Napoleon on May 8. 

Mar. 2-6 and 23-29 : The China Fleets, 6 ships and 9 ships, 
respectively, call. Visit of Urmston,^ who remains some time 
at Briars and calls on Napoleon on May 5. 

Mar. 13 : H.M.S. Spey (Cpt. Murray) a England with 
despatches ; s Mar. 18 Cape. 

Mar. 25 : H.M.S. JuUa (Cpt. Lewis, then Jones) a England, 
and remains on the Station till Malcolm's departure, and is 
then wrecked at Tristan d'Acunha. 

Apr. 12 : Charles Mills a Calcutta ; s England Apr. 15 with 
Lowe's notifications of his arrival and assumption of office to 
Bunbury and Torrens. 

Apr. 14 : H.M.S. Phaeton a. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

Apr. 20 — May 4 : Five Transports a England with the bulk 
of 2nd Batt. 66th Regt. 

Apr. 23 : HM.S. Havannah s. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

May 6 : Adamant, transport (Cpt. Hutchinson), a England, 
with stores, furniture, etc., and Lt.-Cols. Wjmyard and 
Mansel. (And see Nov. 16, 1816.) 

May 9 and 10 till 14 and 15 : The Bengal Fleet calls (Lard 
Melville, William Pitt, etc.). Countess of Loudoun's stay ; 
visit of Arbuthnot, Burroughs, Ld. Moira's A.D.C.'s and 
others to Napoleon. 

May 9 : H.M.S. Salcette (Cpt. Bowen) a India ; s England 
May 14 with Lowe's second batch of despatches, enclosing 
Bertrand's final Declaration. Cpt. Bowen's visit to Napoleon. 

May 13 : Lowgie Family (Cpt. Seaton) a Bombay ; s England 
May 14. Departure of the Skeltons with commissions from 
the French. 

May 13 : Seven Transports, including David (see Log, 
Appendix C), a England, with remainder of 2nd Batt. 66th 
Reg. and details of 2nd Batt. 53rd. Arrival of CoL Dodgin.' 

^ By ' visit ' is meant visit to the Island, and generally to Lowe* 
When to Napoleon or the Followers it is so stated. 

^ There were three Dodgins in the 66th — ^the Colonel, the 
Captain, and the Ensign. The artist and actor was the second. 


Brought a case of books for Napoleon, inchiding the DicUon- 
naire des GiroueUes, 

May i8 : Ganges (Cpt. Falconer) a Batavia ; s England 
May 19. Visit of Sir Stamford RafBes to Napoleon. 

May 29: HM.S. MosqwUo (Cpt. Brine) a England and 
Cape ; s Cape June 5. Brings despatches, books, and papers, 
Madame Mdre's letter to Napoleon, Goorgaud's letters from 
his mother, and Piontkowski's letter from his wife.^ 

June 5 : HM.S. Peruvian s England with Lowe's third 
batch of despatches. She reaches Spithead on July 19.' 

June 17 : H.M.S.'s Newcastle and Oronies, (See Appendix C 
and Appendix D.) 

July 7 : H,M.S. FaJmouA (Cpt. Testing) a Portsmouth and 
Gibraltar ; s Aug. a to take possession of Tristan d'Acunha.^ 
(And see Feb. 22, 1817.) 

July 24 : H.M.S. Acorn (Cpt. Prior) a Cape ; s England 
July 30. Visit of Col. Keating to Napoleon.* 

^ Though despatches went direct when possible, a good many 
reached St. Helena via the Cape ; also stores, furniture, and the 
cases of books for the Emperor. The round trip usually took 
four months (L.P., 20,118, f. 374), though it could take much less. 
In September, 181 7, a mail reached the Cape from England in 
forty-eight days (L.P., 20,161, f. 12), and the Newcastle took 
ten days from the Cape to St. Helena. The record for slowness 
was that lot of books sent by Lady Holland, which at the time 
of the Death had been eighteen months on the way (L.P., 20,133, 
f. 190). 

^ Forty-four days, the fastest passage home after the RedpoU 
(forty-one), the Newcastle (forty-two), and the Oromtes and Terma- 
gant (forty-three). By her went Lowe's letter to Bathurst of 
June 5 (L.P., 20,135, f- 7)» which was replied to by the Secretary 
on July 20 (ibid., f. 330). N.B. — As despatches were conve3red 
by almost every vessel, mention of such will be made only in 
noteworthy cases. 

' Brought a very interesting letter for Lowe from a friend at 
Tunis about the military operations in the Mediterranean under 
Exmouth (L.P., 20,115, f. 53). Captain Festing and Captain 
Murray of the Griffin were presented to Napoleon on August z. 

^ ' Col. Keating, late Governor of the I. of Bourbon, takes 
my packet by this occasion. I never saw him before, but have 
b^n a good deal struck with his eye and manner * (Lowe to 
Bunbury, July 29, 1816, L.P., 20,140, f. 6). Whence the Governor 
was impelled to strike back at the Colonel 1 


Aug. 20 : HMS. TermagatU (Cpt. Shaw) a Cape ; s England 
Aug. 31 with Cpt. Gray, R.A., Lt. Louis, R.N. (both presented 
to Napoleon on the 25th), and Lowe's despatches enclosing 
Montholon's letter.^ Reaches Spithead Oct. 13. 

Aug. 20 : H.M.S. Podargus (Cpt. Wallis, then Rous) a 
England and Cape ; stays three years on the Station, with 
short cruises to and fro.^ 

Sep. 28 : H.M.S. Thais (Cpt. Weir) a India ; s England 
Sep. 30. Visit of Sir A. Campbell ; his gift of cofiee to Lowe 
(L.P., 20,207, f. 67). 

5^^. 29 : H.M.S. Eurydice a. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

Oct. 6 : H.MS. Rivoluiionnaire (Cpt. Woolcombe)* a Cape ; 
s England Oct. 13 with Lowe's batdi of despatches in reply 
to those by the Eurydice. 

Oct. 13 : H.M.S. Alpheus (Cpt. Langford) a Cape with 150 
sheep for the Island ; s England Oct. 17 with despatches and 
emended Declarations. 

Oct. 19 : Surrey (Cpt. Beadle) a Batavia ; s England Oct. 25. 
Departure of the Nagles.* 

Oct. 19 : David. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

Nov. 16 : Adamant (Cpt. Hutchinson) a Cape with Superin- 
tendent of Police Rainsford.^ 

Dec. 6 : Larkins (Cpt. Dumbledon) a Madras ; 5 England 
Dec. 15. Visit of Sir Thos. Strange and others to Longwood. 

^ The original. A copy went by the Philomel, September 22, 
and duplicates by the RivoluHonnaire, October 13. The ' St. 
Helena Sailing List ' puts the date of sailing at the 26th, which 
would throw everything out. 

* Captain Wallis, who had served under the ill-fated Captain 
Wright, was rather mal vu at Longwood. 

' ' One of the greatest Asses in the Service ' (Stanfell to Reade, 
L.P., 20,207, f. 70). One had said, more of a sheep I 

^ Presmnable only. 

' Raiasford, who died a year after, figured chiefly in Las Cases' 
arrest ; also when he was refused passage to an Indiaman by the 
officer of the watch of the Newcastle, though provided with 
papers from the Governor (L.P., 20,207, ^* 3^)- When strangers 
of distinction had to be ' warned off ' the Island, the Town-Major, 
Hodson, Cole, or Barnes, was requisitioned. When ignoi&iny 
was desired, the Marshal or Gaoler, Weston, was used, as with 


Dec. i8— /tffi. 3, 1817 : HM.S. Oronies. (See Log, Ap- 
pendix C.) 
Dec. 30 : H.M.S. Griffin. (See Log, Appendix C.) 


Feb. 22 : H.M.S. Falmouih (Cpt. Testing) a Cape ; s England 
July 25.* 

Feb. 23 : Earl Balcarres (Cpt. Jameson) a China ; s England 
Mar. I. Departure of Welle.' (And see Feb. 4, 1819.) 

Mar. 5 : Tortoise, storeship (Cpt. Cooke), a England ; s Rio 
Apr. 8. Brought Warden's book, Instructions for the 
Commissioners, and despatches from Bathurst and Goulbum 
about the Longwood expenses.^ 

Mar. 12-17 : The Bombay Fleet and the van of the China 
Fleet call on the way home. Cpt. Cobb visits Longwood. 
Departure of Cpt. Greatly, R.A. 

Mar. 17 : Hannah (Cpt. Heathom) a Bombay ; s England 
Mar. 18.* 

Mar. 29— Apr. 3 : The Bengal Fleet call. Visit of Churchill 
and his daughters. 

Apr. 10-20 : The China Fleet (7 ships) call on way home. 
Visit of Lord Molesworth. Cpts. Campbell, Ripley,* and 
Innes are received by Napoleon ; Cpt. MofEat by Bertrand. 

May 27 : Ocean, storeship (Cpt. Johnson), a England ; s 

^ Festing visited the Emperor, for the second time, on 
March 25 (see July j, 181 6). Like Meynell, StanfeU, Wallis, and 
one or two others, he was much in evidence on the Station sociaUy 
and professionally as Malcolm's deputy or companion. 

^ The Botanist in Stunner's train, who brought the feonous 
lock of hair. Lowe suspected him of taking away messages, 
etc., from Longwood, and advised Bathurst to have his baggage 
searched. Nor were his suspicions allayed when he saw this 
' mere gardener,' as Stfirmer airily termed him, escorted to his 
ship officially with ' conspicuous marks of attention ' (L.P., 20,1 18, 
f. 157). ' All the Commissioners, with the Baroness Stunner 
and Sir P, and Lady Malcolm, accompanied Mr. Welle to the 
place of embaxkment (Reade to Lowe, L.P., 20,207, f. 158). 

^ Captain Cooke and the Midshipman of the UndaunUd (181 4) 
were received by Napoleon on April 2. 

^ Heathom, with Harrington, Rose, Luson, etc., figured promi- 
nently in the Cape Contracts. 

' And see May 24, 18x9. 


Batavia July 2. Brought Santini's ' Appeal* the English 
version of Montholon's Letter, the reports of Holland's 
Motion and Bathurst's Speech, Piontkowski's secret messages 
for Gourgaud, and a consignment of newspapers.^ Cpt. 
Johnson is received by Napoleon on June 29. 

May 27 : Experimeni, storeship (Cpt. Dacie), a England ; 
s Batavia July 21.* 

May 28 : Baring, storeship (Cpt. Lambe), a England ; s 
Madras July 29 with the bulk of ihe 2nd Batt. 53rd Regt. to 
rejoin the ist Batt. Brought the Bust of the King of Rome in 
charge of Radovitch. Cpt. Lambe calls at Longwood. 

June 4 : Princess Amelia (Cpt. Balston) a China ; s England 
June 8. Visit of Cpt. Balston and Manning' to Bertrand, 
where Napoleon sees them (L.P., 20,208, f . 87). 

June 10-18 : Two Transports call on way home. Visit of 
officers of the 80th to Bertrand. 

June 14 : Lady Campbell (Cpt. Marquis) a Bengal ; s England 
June 19. Visit of Col. Pagan, Judge-Advocate-General at 
Calcutta, to Napoleon.* (And see June 24, 1819.) 

^ Including the Observer for March 17, 18x7, which contained 
an editorial attack on Lowe, and was left lying on the counter 
by Postmaster Cole for all and sundry to read — ^much to the 
Governor's disgust (L.P., 20,121, f. 375). The Surgeon of the 
Ocean was Jardine, whom Piontkowski charged with the con- 
veyance of his papers (see p. 158). Failing a meeting with 
Gourgaud, Jardine was to deliver them to Lewis Solomon. 

^ Dacre was supposed by Lowe to be the author of the Letters 
from S$, Helena (L.P., 20,128, f. 239). 

^ The Thibetan Explorer, who had been released from detention 
in France by Napoleon's intervention. He ' pays the homage of 
an offering to his Liberator ' (L.P., 20,204, f. 33). 

^ Fagan, to the dismay of Plantation, addressed Napoleon as 
' Emperor ' : ' I am very sorry to find that Col. Fagan should 
have addressed Bonaparte as Emperor ' (Reade to Lowe, L.P., 
20,118, f. 469). His tribute to Bertrand was noteworthy : 
' Daignez croire que je partage le respect qu'ont tons les honndtes 
gens pour votre caractdre ' (L.P., 20,204, f. 43). Fagan had brought 
letters from Lord^ Hastings, who himself ' saw no impropriety 
in giving the title ' (L.P., 20,127, f. 69). To which Lowe replied : 
' The name of " Napoleon Bonaparte "•< is that by which I am 
now requested to call him, instead of y General Bonaparte." 
Time may, it is to be hoped, reduce the pretensions which spring 
from this past title,' etc. (L.P., 20,128, f. 325). 


June 27 : Caesat (Cpt. Taylor) a Cape ; s England July 2. 
Brought part of ist Batt. 66th Regt. Visit to Napokon of 
Lord Amherst, with Ellis, Cpt. Maxwell of the AlcesU, etc.^ 
(And see Dec. 21, 1818.) 

June 29 : H.MS. Conqueror. (See Appendix C and Ap- 
pendix D.) 

June 30 : Catherine Griffiths (Cpt. Hamilton) a Bengal with 
part of 1st Batt. 66th Regt. 

July 3 : Moira (Cpt. Galloway) a Madras ; s England 
July 23 with skeletons of 2nd Batt. 53rd Regt. and 2nd Batt. 
66th Regt. Departure of Fehrzen and Poppleton with com- 
missions from Longwood. 

July 5 : Dorah (Cpt. Edwards) a Madras ; s England 
July 29. Brought remainder of ist Batt. 66th Regt. Arrival 
of Surgeon Henry.' Departure of the 'Nymph' as Mrs. 

July 6: Aurora (Cpt. Heaviside) a China. Brings the 
Elphinstone chessmen for Napoleon.^ Cpt. Heaviside visits 

Aug. II : H.M.S. Lyra (Lt* Basil Hall)^ a Madras ; s England 
Aug. 15. Hall's visit to Napoleon.*^ 

Oct. 15 : Friendship (Cpt. Armet) a London ; s Botany Bay 
Oct. 22. Has loi women and 4 ' grown children ' convicts 
on board. Brought news of Santini's and Savary's arrests 
and Flahaut's marriage. 

^ Pace M. Masson (Autour de Ste. Hilhte, ii. 276), Amherst 
left his cook, Laroche, behind. The French chef, Lepage, quitted 
Napoleon's service at the beginning of June, 1818, partly through 
ill-health, and partly owing to the exactions of the upper servants 
(L.P., 20,130. f. 59). Laroche, after serving Lowe for a year, 
went to Longwood on July 11 (L.P., 20,123, f. 63) and stayed 
till March 3, 18x9 (L.P., 20,204, f. 74). Then came a Chinese 
interlude, and finally Chandelier arrived on September 20. In his 
edition of the Montholon Letters, M. Gonnard gives Lepage 
(p. 45) instead of Chandelier. 

^ Author of the Events. 

3 The second gift of the kind. 

^ Author of the Narrative. 

^ Between this entry and the next must be placed Thackeray's 
visit as a small boy to Longwood. He does not state his ship, 
and its name could only be conjecture. 


Oci. zi : Lard Caihcari (Cpt. Farrence) a London ; s Bengal 
Oct. 23. Broaght a letter from Planat.^ 


Jan. I : B.M.S. BIo$s(>m (Capt. Hickey) a England and 
Rio ; s Rio Jan. 11. Brings Bathurst's instructions relating 
to the New House, and news of Latapie and the ' plotters ' 
in South America. 

Jan. 4-8 : H,M.S. PhaeUm. (See Appendix C.) Visit of 
Governor Farquhar. 

Feb. 3. Canibridge (Cpt. Toussaint). Brings news of death 
of Princess Charlotte. 

Feb. 9 : Hyaena (Cpt. Hicks) a Cape with detachment of 
66th, Surgeon Cunningham, etc. 

Feb. 12 : WiUiam PiU (Cpt. Graham) a Bengal; s England 
Feb. 25, with Lowe's despatches relating to Gourgaud and 
O'Meaira. Visit of Hon. C. F. Stuart. 

Mar. 8 : Marquis Camdfn (Cpt. Larkins) a China ; s England 
Ifar. 14. Departure of Gourgaud and Doveton.^ 

Mar. 13 : Winchilsea (Cpt. Adamson) a China ; s EAgland 
Mar. 18. Departure of Baloombe and family. 

Mar. 24 : VamMart (Cpt. Dalrympfe) a China.' (And see 
May 23, 1821.) 

Mar. 27 : Lowther CasOe (Cpt. Mortlock) China ; s England 
Apr. 3. Departure of Rev. Mr. Boys and family.^ (And see 
Feb. 13, 1820.) 

Mar. 27 : CamaUc (Cpt. Blanchard) a Bengal ; s England 
Apr. 4. Visit of Vice-President Edmonstone to Bertrand. 

June I : General Kyd (Cpt. Naime) a China ; 5 England 
June 8. Visit of Don Pedro Echeverray, Spanish Supercargo. 
Departure of Lepage, Jeannette, Bernard and his 

^ ' Planat's Irash to Goorgaud/ as Bathurst terms it, when 
disciwsing with Lowe the ceDsorship of family lettera (L.P., 20,118, 

f. 441)- 

' Returns with a knighthood by the Bombay on May 4, 1819. 

' Some mflOibers of the crew break bounds, elude the piclBets, 
and enter the Longwood grounds — ^whence a minute inquiry 
presided over by Hodson (CO., 247. 24). 

* Returns by the Wakefield on June ig, 1820. 


June 26 : Lady CarringUm (Cpt. Moore) a England. Brought 
Bliss Hary Hall^ and details of 66th Regt. Return of W. and 
E. Fowkr. 

Jidy 3 : Northumberland (Cpt. Mitchell) a Bencoolen ; s 
London July xx. Departure of Sturmer and his wife.' 

July 8 : Metcalfe (Cpt. Havaid) a Bengal ; s London July X3. 
Lt. Chesney's interview with Bertrand.' 

July X4 : H.MS. Dotterel (Cpt. Gore) a England ; remains 
seven months on the Station. Brought despatches relating 
to Gouigaud's * revelations.' 

Aug.2\ H.M.S. Griffin. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

Aug. X5 : H.MS. Redpole (Lt. lisson) a Ascension, and 
remains six months in the Roads.^ 

Aug. 22: David. (See Log, Appendix C.) 

^ Governess to Bertrand's children ; married the amanuensis 
St. Denis. ' She has rather an agreeable presence and her hus- 
band is very fond of her ; so that in a House where there are so 
many men and so few of the other sex, some fresh disquiets 
may arise ' (Lowe to Bathurst, L.P., 20,129, f. 141). The 
wedding took place on October 16, 1819. A merry party of seven 
— ^Noverraz and his wife (themselves married on July 11, 18 19), 
Pierron, Gentilini, Etienne (Bertrand's steward), and the two-^ 
went down to Plantation Church and were joined by Chaplain 
Vernon, and afterwards adjourned for the collation, aptly enough, 
to Rosemary HaU (L.P., 20,212, f. 99). 

^ Sturmer proceeded via Europe to Rio de Janeiro in an official 
capacity, much to the sunrise of Lowe, who confided to his 
friend Thornton at that place that he suspected in the appoint- 
ment a Napoleonic bias on Mettemich's part; and Thornton 
concurred (L.P., 20,233, f. 143). However, Lowe kept up a 
friendly correspondence with Stfirmer, and lost no time in appriz- 
ing him of Napoleon's death (see May 29, 1821). 

^ Chesney, of the Bengal Artillery, landed and met Bertrand 
casually at Porteous'. The matter was reported to Reade, who 
summoned the subaltern to ' stand and deliver ' in the style 
approved of at Plantation. I have not found the D.A.G.'s note 
to Chesney, but from the injured tone of that officer's lepty one 
can infer the sort of missive he received (L.P., 20,207, f. 113). 
One is reminded of the righteous indignation of Col. Keating at 
Lowe's slanderous denunciation of him to Bathurst (L.P., 20,233, 
f. 30). 

^ Captain Paisley died at Ascension shortly before O'Meara'a 


Aug. 25: Liandre (Cpt. Wyerr) a Coast of Africa ; s Sep. 29(?) 
Brazil. Calls for anchor and cables.^ 

Sep. 13 : Hastings (Cpt. Killivick) a Calcutta ; s England 
Sep. 19. Visit of Mrs. Col. Pagan, Hon. BIrs. Harris, Mr. 
Fortescne, R.N., etc. 

Sep. 15 : H.M.S. Tees (Cpt. Rennie) a England, and remains 
on Station. Return of Cpt. Stanfell, R.N., with despatches. 
(And see Ap. 12, 1821.) 

Sep. 19 : Lustiania, storeship (Cpt. Brash), a London ; s India 
Nov. 9. Brought books and clandestine letters from Holmes. 

Oci. 9 : General Stewart (Cpt. Granger) a Portsmouth ; s. 
New South Wales Oct. 14, with 250 Convicts on board. 
Brought despatches and newspapers reporting the marriages 
of the Dukes of Kent, Clarence, and Cambridge, and the 
return of Burdett and Romilly for Westminster. 

Oct. 26 : Bombay Castle (Cpt. Mann) a Bombay ; s Liverpool 
Oct. 29. Departure of Col. Lascelles and Lt. Reardon. 

Nov. 2 : Prince Regent (Cpt. White) a Mauritius and Cape ; 
s Portsmouth Nov. 26. Visits of Theodore Hook, Head, 
etc., to Longwood on Nov. 9 and 15.^ 

Dec. 21 : Caesar (Cpt. Taylor) a Calcutta ; s London ^Dec. 23. 

Visit of Lord and Lady Muskerry to Longwood grounds on 

Dec. 23. 


Jan. II : Cossack (Cpt. Beattie) a Mauritius ; s London 
Jan. 13. Visit of Countess Holmer. 

^ French trader. Only three French ships are recorded as 
touching. This is the first given in the ' Sailing List.' The others 
were rindien, which called for water on December 8, 1820, and 
le Charles, which put in on October 26, 1818. The ' French 
frigate ' referred to by Reade on April 29, 1817, is not officially 
recorded. Gourgaud besides gives the EUphant and another on 
December 11, 1817. 

^ Mem. : * July i, 1818. Arrived but did not anchor the Ameri- 
can ship Tea-Plant (And. Scott) from Bombay bound to New 
York. Had spoken the Prince Regent on June 17, 5 leagues 
from the Cape. She had been 3 months from the Isle of France 
with troops on board for England ; had been one month dis- 
masted and was standing for Simon's Bay to repair damages ' 
(L.P.» 20,161, f. 25). The recollection whereof may possibly 
have further vitriolized the ' Fads ' t 


Jan. 24: TrincowuUee (Cpt. Bridges) a Cape; s England 
Jan. 30 with batch of invalids, including Stolcoe. 

Feh. 4 : Earl Bakarres (Cpt. Jameson) a China ; s London 
Feb. 7* Visit of Mr. Baynes, Supercargo, and Cpt. Jameioa 
to Bartrand. 

Feb. 12 : ' The Long Boat of the Ship Osmn (Cpt. Kay), 
from Calcutta to London/ a.^ 

Feb. 20-— Mar. 5 : Five Indiamen call in company on way 
home from China and BengaL Capt. Campbell calls on 
Bertrand. Visits of Captains and parties to Longwood; 
Lady Annabella McLeod, etc' 

Mar. z6 : H.M.S. Redwing (Cpt. Hunn) a England with 
despatches from Bathurst, enclosing O'Meara's Letter to the 

Mar. 26 : AsUU (Cpt. Creswell) a Bengal ; s England Ap. 3. 
Visit of Mr. Ricketts to Napoleon. 

Mar. 29 : AUnnia (Cpt. Lynn) a Cork. Brings part of the 
20th Regt., Major Jackson* Surgeon Rutledge, etc. (And 
see Feb. 7, 1821.) 

Apr. 6 : Windermere (Cpt. Williams). Ibid., Ibid. { Ma}<»' 
Hogg, etc. 

Apr. 7 : Oramodo (Cpt. Strickland). Ibid., Ibid. / Major 
Tovey ; s England Ap. 29 with detachment of 66th Regt.» 
Dr. Baxter, etc. 

May 24 : Regent (Cpt. Ripley) a China ; s England May 30. 
Departure of Bingham and his wife.' 

1 ' The ship foundered at sea on Jan. 31 in Lat. 31^x8', Long. 
1 1 "51', Captain, Crew and Passenger (Lt. Nicholson of the 7xst) 
saved and arrived in the Long Boat.' One of the sensations of 
the Captivity. 

^ These ' ship's parties/ which were very frequent at this 
period, came up ' to see tiie New House/ then building. They 
had no intercourse with the ' Family/ as the Orderly Officer is at 
pains to register. 

^ The Regeni arrived and sailed in company with the Castie 
Hunily. Lowe much regretted not having stopped the two 
Indiamen, in order to investigate the ' Ripley afiatr ' (Forsyth* 
iii. 165). His mortification is thus expressed to Bathurst : ' If 
the vessel was worth half a million sterling and her companion 
the same, I would have stopped them both and made Capt. 
Ripley responsible ' (L.P., 20,126, f. 376). As it was, Bingham 


Mafjf 30: Fhanix (Cpt. White) a Bengal; 5 England 
June 7.* 

June 24 : Laiy CampbeU (Cpt. Marquis) a Bengal ; s England 
July 2. Departure of Madame de Montholon.* 

June 26 : Larkins (Cpt. Locke) a England with despatches 
from Bathurst. Return of Balcombe's servant. He and his 
family remain in England. 

July 3 : Dunira (Cpt. Hamilton) a China ; s London July 8. 
Departure of Basil Jackson,' Mrs. Hodson, Knipe/ Mason, 
and invalids. (And see July 12, 1821.) 

was enjoined by Reade to interrogate Ripley on the journey 
(see Appendix E). 

^ Brought Mr. Eraser I.C.S.'s gift to Napoleon of ' Delhee- 
made preserves and pickles ' (L.P., 20,207, f. 182). They took 
long enough to come, his accompan3ring letter being dated ' Delhi 
frontier, Aug. 17, 1818 ' (L.P., 20,204, f. 56). He had tried the 
year before to send several pairs of falcons for the Emperor's 
sport, but they had died before reaching Calcutta. More than 
five centuries before, Marco Polo had borne witness to the excel- 
lence of the falcons of that region. 

> Amongst her fellow-passengers were the Captain's wife. 
Surgeon Greerson, and Captain Wilhn, 21st Light Dragoons. 
Lowe suspected she had papers stitched in her clothing, but did 
not order a search. Her baggage was examined, and of two 
suspicious small boxes one contained shoes and the other marma- 
lade I (L.P., 20, 127, f . 6) . Amongst the simdries she was entrusted 
with was the sum of 4,000 francs sent by Pierron to his ' cher 
papa' (L.P., 20,204, f. 89). Madame de Montholon proceeded 
to Brussels, where ^e received from Gourgaud the letter I print 
on p. 139. Reade vouchsafes this item : ' A woman who accom- 
panied Madame de Montholon to Brussels sa3rs Basil Jackson is 
living in the same house with her ' (L.P., 20,131, f. 369). The 
preposition is awkvrard. 

' ' Lieut. Jackson is tbe officer by whom the several plans of 
Longwood House, Grounds, etc., that have been sent home, 
were drawn out ' (L.P., 20,127, f- 44)* 

^ It seems likely that Kneipps, or Knipe (the latter form figures 
as early as 1689), took his daughter, the ' Rosebud,' with him, 
and that after breaking many hearts at home she met her fate 
cm board. For in May, 1820, she was married by Chaplain 
Vernon to ' D. Hamilton,' presumably a relation of tiie Captain 
(L.P., 20,233, f- Z23). By a coincidence, the Dunira, Ceylon, 
Havannah, Bombay, and Catherine Griffiths were all captained 
by HamiltODS. 



July 22-25 : H.M.S. PhaeUm, (See Log, Appendix C.) 
Visit of Capt. Dillon to his relative Mdme. Bertrand.^ 

July 27 : La Belle Alliance (Cpt. Rolfe) a Calcutta ; s London 
Jy. 31. Visit of H.E. Mr. Elout, Mr. Doeff, and Raden Ario.' 

Aug. 6: Ceniurion (Cpt. Meade) a England. Brought 
Hook's ' Facts/ 

Aug. 21 : H.M.S. Abundance, storeship (Lt. Campbell), a 
England ; remains at anchor at Lemon Valley till the end. 
Brings back Stokoe for his Court-martial, and details of 66th 
under Cpt. Dunn. (And see June 13, 1821.) 

Sep. 13 : Hyaena s England, with Stokoe, * dismissed the 

Sep. 20 : Snipe (Cpt. Swain) a London, with Antommarchi, 
Buonavita, Vignali, Chandelier and Coursot ; and letters and 

5^^. 22 : H.M.S. Menai (Cpt. Moresby) a Portsmouth ; s 
Cape Sep. 30. Brought £56,000 in gold for the Island.* 

Dec. 19: Catherine (Cpt. Knox) a Madras; s London 
Dec. 23. Visit of Lady Gordon. 

Dec. 27: 5/. Helena (E.I.C. Schooner, Cpt. Atkinson) a 
Cape with a female servant for Longwood.' 

^ Captain DiUon, when in command of the Horatio, had paid 
a first visit to the Bertrands on October 22, 1816. 

' Commissary-General of the Dutch Colonies, Dutch Agent in 
Japan, and son of a native chief of Java respectively. For a 
very interesting account of their conversation at Plantation see 
Lowe's letter to Bathurst of July 31 (L.P., 20,127, fi. 115-118). 

' Inter alia eighteen sets of O'Meara's Exposition, ' packed to 
look like religious tracts ' as Lowe puts it (L.P., 20,128, f. 239). 
The Surgeon brought besides a presentation copy for Napoleon 
' superbly bound in red morocco,' and snuff-boxes with portraits 
of Joseph, the King of Rome, etc. {Ibid., f. 220). For list of books 
see L.P., 20,204, f. 106. 

^ Returned to the Island January i, 1820, and remained most 
of the year, usually acting as the ' Weather ! or ' Windward 
Cruizer ' and chasing suspicious strangers. 

' ' The Company's Schooner ' was much in evidence during 
the Captivity, and phed to and from the Cape, Ascension, Ben- 
guela, etc., on countless errands connected with the Government 
and local affairs of St. Helena as distinct from the Detention. 
The schooner was originally sent out by the Admiralty, and 
' placed at the disposal of the Island Government ' on January 12, 



Jan. 2 : H.M.S. Heron a England ; s Ascension Jan. 15.^ 

Jan, 14 : York (Cpt. Talbot) a Bombay ; s England Jan. i6« 
Visit of Lady Anstnither. 

Jan. 25 : H.MS. Sappho (Cpt. Plumridge) a Cape ; s 
England Jan. 27. Visit of Lord Ch. Somerset and daughters to 
Longwood grounds.* 

Feb. 7 : Albinia (Cpt. Lynn) a Bombay ; s London Feb. 8. 
Visit of Sir Evan Nepean. 

Feb. 13 : Lowther Castle (Cpt. Mortlock) a China ; $ London 
Feb. 17. Visit of Sir T. Metcalfe, Chief Supercargo. 

Mar, 7 : London (Cpt. Cameron) a London ; s Bencoolen 
Apr. 12. Brings a case of books for sale to Longwood. 
Return of Col. Lascelles. 

Mar. 29 : Mary Wellington (Cpt. Wood) a Bengal ; s London 
Apr. 6. Visit of Mrs. Rees.* 

Apr. 21 : General Harris (Cpt. Welstead) a China ; s London 
May 3. Departure of Balmain. 

May I : Lady Melville (Cpt. Stewart) a England. Brings 
Fleury de Chaboulon's book, and news of assassination of Due 
de Berri and Thistlewood Plot. Return of Mrs. Lascelles. 

1815^-one had almost said in anticipation of imminent events. 
[One recalls that St. Helena was mooted during the Elba period.] 
In June, 1821, at the general exodus, the St. Helena 'brought 
home the guns of the R.A. and the old furniture from Longwood ' 
(L.P., 20,207, f. 381). Her end was a sad one. On April 6, 1830, 
she was boarded by pirates, who put the Captain, Surgeon, and 
others to death and sent her half-scuttled adrift {St. Helena 

^ Cruised to and from the Cape, Ascension, etc., during the 
next fifteen months, and was one of the five H.M. ships at anchor 
when Napoleon died. Sailed two days later with the despatches 
announcing the death. 

' During Somerset's absence from the Cape Sir Rufus Donkin 
acted as Governor, and incurred this from Reade : ' I am not much 
surprised at his mistake about the Minerva, I fear he is as wild 
as ever * (L.P., 20,207, f. 232). 

^ On being refused leave to call on Madame Bertrand (see 
p. 22) Mrs. Rees went up to Longwood ' to see the New House,' 
and impulsively ran up to one of the children and introduced her- 
self as a countiywoman ' (L.P., 20,129, f. 321). 


May 4 : Eclipse (Cpt. Stewart) a Ceylon ; s London May 5. 
Visit of Gen. Sir Robt. and Lady Brownrigg. 
May 18: Dorsetshire (Cpt. Lyde) a England; s China 

July 3.' 

June 18: EJ.CJs Larkins and Streaiham in company a 
China ; s London June 22. Departure of Wynyard. 

July 5 : H.MS. Hardy (Lt. Kent) a Cape. Brings books 
from Lady Holland and news of Bertrand's Father's death. 
(And see Mar. 31, 1821.) 

July 14 : H.M,S. Vigo. (See Appendix C and Appendix D.) 

Aug. 16: H.MS. Minden (Cpt. Patterson) a India; s 
England Aug. 19. Visit of Adml. Sir Rich. King and Capt. 

Aug. 21 : Admiral Berkeley (Cpt. Gulliver) a Cape ; s London 
Sep. 3. Departure of Col. South and family.* 

Aug. 23 : Bristol (Cpt. Buckham) a England ; s India 
Aug. 30. Arrival of Br.-Gen. CofiGin. 

Sep. 15 : General Palmer (Cpt. Truscott) a Madras ; s Sep. 20 
England. Visit of Governor Elliot. 

Sep. 22 : H.M.S. Camel,^ storeship (Cpt. Webb), a Cape ; 
s Cape Oct. 4 with Gentilini and Juliette,^ and returns to 

^ Brought a large consignment of the Morning Chronicle and 
other papers. Captain Lyde came in for a very unusual 
' function.' On May 25 a private of the 66th was executed at 
Rupert's VaUey in the presence of the Sheriff, a subaltern, a 
sergeant, a corporal, a drummer, and eighteen men (L.P., 20,207, 
f. 258). 

* After the double Court-Martial (L.P., 20,130, f. 369). 

' Phed between the Island and the Cape for some time with 
stores, packets from Europe, etc., among which a case of books 
for Napoleon from Lady Holland deUvered on February 27, 
1 821. The vessel was suspected by Lowe, who writes secretly 
to Plampin : ' Thie Camel may possibly be availed of, even without 
the actual privity of the officers, who would probably look no 
further than the address ' [of clandestine letters]. Plampin 
replies he will take every precaution (L.P., 20,129, ft. 208-210). 

* The two servants touched at St. Helena on their return to 
Europe on Febuary 9, 1821. They tried to get into communica- 
tion with Longwood, the maid sending ostrich feathers and 
Cape beans for ' Monsieur Napol6on ' [Bertrand]. Lowe pressed 
Lambert to get them away ' as some inconvenience resulted in 
many ways on a former occasion' (L.P., 20,132, f. -119). The 


St. Helena Dec. 19 with Dr. Shortt.^ (And see May 10, 

Oct. 25 : H.MS. Owen Glendower (Cpt. Hon. R. Spencer) 
a Rio ; s Rio Dec. 2. Visit of Cpt. Spencer to Bertrand and 

Nov. 14 : H.M.S. Cygnd (Cpt. Bennett) a England and Cape ; 
cruised to Ascension, etc., and s Cape Mar. 14, 1821. Brought 
books from Lady Holland. 

Dec. 17 : H.M.S. Rosario (Cpt. Hendry) a Cape. Remains 
till the end. (And see May 16, 1821.) 


Feb. 26: Lord Hungerford (Cpt. O'Brien) a Calcutta; s 
England Mar. 11. Visit of Sir E. and Lady Colebrooke and 
Mr. Russell, Resident, to Bertrand. 

Mar. 2 : CasUe Forbes (Cpt. Reid) a Bombay ; s England 
Mar. 3. Visit of Mr. Campbell, who sends a gift to Napoleon 
(L.P., 20,132, f. 212). 

Mar. 7 : H.MS. Beaver (Cpt. Marryat^) a England. Remains 
till the end. 

reference is to Piontkowski on the Orontes, The Elban Gentilini 
feathered his nest pretty well at St. Helena. Besides various 
sums of money he despatched to his father, he amassed, to 
Lowe's surprise, 2,000 louis against his departure. As Montholon 
explained, ' he was in the habit of rendering himself useful to 
everybody at Longwood ' (L.P., 20,130, f. 167). 

^ Shortt brought a note from a Russian diplomat, whom he 
had met at Rome in January, 1820, for ' Baron Paul de Hahn, 
Russian Commissioner at St. Helena' (L.P., 20,204, f. 109). 
Balmain's successor in parHbus, apparently. 

* The Novelist. The D.N.B. conveys a wrong impression in 
stating that Captain Marryat ' was sent home with the Despatches 
after Napoleon's death.' The Despatches were carried by 
H.M.S. Heron (Captain Hanmer) in charge of Captain Crokat 
of the 20th, for the Governor, and Captain Hendry, R.N., of the 
Rosario, for the Admiral. She sailed on May 7 at ix.45 p.m. 
On May 8 Marryat, at his own request, was given the command 
of the Rosario ' to go home on family affairs.' He sailed on the 
i6th with duplicate and additional despatches (Lambert's 
JourmU, Appendix D). It was on the 6th, at 8 a.m., that Marryat 
sketched with an austere frugality of line his noted profile of 


Mat. 8 : HM.S. Redwing (Cpt. Hunn) s England. Chaplain 
Carter of the Vigo ' goes home to be ordained priest/ 

Mar. 10 : Orwell (Cpt. Saunders) a China ; s London Mar. 17. 
Departure of Buonavita.^ 

Mar, 13 : H.M.S. Repulse (Cpt. Patterson) a England ; s 
China Apr. 14. Brought cases of books from Lady Holland 
and Bathurst, and papers referring to the Declaration of 

Mar. 19 : Warren Hastings (Cpt. Larkins) a Cape ; s England 
Mar. 25. Brought books and letters from Lady Jeming- 

Mar, 25 : Duke of York (Cpt. Campbell) a China ; s England 
Mar. 31. Mr. Ellis' second visit. (See June 27, 1817.) 

Mar. 31 : H.M.S. Hardy, tender (Lt. Lambert), a Cape ; $ 
Mauritius Apr. 4. Brings Dr. Burton of the 66th. 

Apr. 12 : H.M.S. Tees (Cpt. Rennie) a Cape ; s England 
Apr. 16 with despatches.* 

Apr. 20 : Canning (Cpt. Patterson) a China ; s London 
Apr. 25. Col. Blacker's visit to Bertrand. 

[May 5 : Death of Napoleon. H.M. Ships at Anchor : 
Vigo (Cpt. Brown), flagship ; Heron (Cpt. Hanmer) ; Beaver 
(Cpt. Marryat) ; Rosario (Cpt. Hendry) ; Abundance (Lt. 
Campbell), storeship. Two other vessels in Roads : E.I.C.'s 
Waterloo and the Mary, a coalship from Newcastle.] 

May 7 : H.MS. Heron s England at 11.45 p.m. with the 

Napoleon on the camp-bed, which he gave to Crokat, and which 
was published on July 16 by S. & J. Fuller as a lithograph and also 
as an etching, and on July x8 by J. Watson as a soft-ground 
etching. A day or two before he sailed he drew the view of the 
Tomb which Sutherland executed in aquatint. Five small willows 
overhang the stone. Lowe states distinctly there were ' two large ' 
ones (L.P., 20,133, f. 200). 

^ The Abb6 is the bearer of alarming letters from Bertrand, 
Montholon, Antommarchl and others, announcing the hopeless 
condition of the Emperor. He reaches Rome early in July, and 
delivers his messages to Pauline. On July 11 she writes her 
pathetic appeal to the English Government (Add. MSS., 30,109, 
f. 197). 

* Seep. 17. 

* ' Anchored at 7 p.m. by special permission.' A rare instance 
of the suspension of the ' sunset to sunrise ' regulation. 


Despatches ; she reaches Spithead at 9.30 p.m. on July 4.^ 
(And see Mar. 7, 182 1, note,) 

May 10 : H.M.S. Camd (Cpt. Webb) a Cape ; s England 
May 27. Departure of Ct. and Ctess. Bertrand and fsunily, 
Ct. Montholon, Prof. Antommarchi, Vignali the Priest, Ct. 
Marchand, and the Emperor's retinue. Also Col. Nicol and 
a detachment of the 66th Regt. They reach Portsmouth on 
Aug. I. 

May. 16 : H.M.S. Rosario (Capt. Marryat) s England. (See 
Mar. y, 1821, note.) 

May 23 : VansiUari (Cpt. Dahymple) a England.' 

May 29 : Mary (Cpt. Atkinson) s Rio, with Lambert's letter 
to Sir T. Hardy and Lowe's letters to Stiinner, Thornton, and 

June 4 : Jatnes Sibbald (Cpt. Forbes) a Calcutta ; s London 
June II with Col. Dunbar and 40 men of the 66th Regt. 

June 13 : HM.S. Abundance (Lt. Campbell) s England with 
detachment of 66th ; and Despatches, Inventories and Las 
Cases' Papers in charge of Dr. Burton.' 

Jidy 12 : Dunira (Cpt. Hamilton) a China; 5 England July 26. 
Departure of Lowe and StafE.^ They reach the Isle of Wight 
on Sep. 21. 

July 21 : Lady MelviUe (Cpt. Stewart) a India ; s England 
July 29. Departure of Montchenu.' 

^ Two copies of the Log : one places the sailing just before 
midnight and the other just after. As both agree that Crokat 
and Hendry came on board at 11.30 and she sailed at once, the 
above time is presumably correct. 

* After fourteen weeks' passage, the longest made by any 
Indiaman or warship during the Captivity. She brought 
Bathurst's despatch of February 16 ' of sjonpathy with Napoleon/ 
which arrived too late (Forsyth, iii. 493). 

' Burton was not told the nature of the packet ; see Lowe's 
letter to Bathnrst of June 13, wherein, too, is treated the important 
question of the plaster cast of Napoleon's head taken by Burton 
after Antonmiarchi had failed : ' The Bertrands have kept the 
face ; Dr. Burton has presierved the back, or craniological, part, 
etc.* (L.P., 20,140, f. 115). 

^ With the exception of Gorrequer, who remained till June 20, 
1822. Ibbetson stayed on until the spring of 1823. 

' Montchenu himself does not mention his ship, and his Editor, 
whilst giving correctiy July 28 as the date of his embarkation. 


Sep. zi : H.MS. Vigo $ Cape and England. Departure of 



Apr. 29 : Orwell s England with the final detachment of the 
20th Regt., and therewith the last of the custodians. 

Nafolson is at rbst. 

says he went ' with Napoleon's suite ' — i^,, by the Camel ; which 
M. Masson thinks he ought to have done, and ' so brought the 
great news to the French Court.' Even then Montchenu would 
have been a whole month behindhand. ' £1 trente jowrs, &esi 
beaucoup t 



Bellerophon (Cpt. Haitland). 

J^y 13, 1815 : Observed the white flag all along the shore. 
/M(y 15 : At 7 a.m. received Napoleon Bonaparte (late Emperor 
of the French) and his suite. July 16 [different hand] : An- 
chored ff.MS. Myrmidon at 9 a jn. At 10 the late Emperor 
Napoleon Bonaparte and the Captain went on board the 
Admiral. At 1240 pjn. maimed the yards at the return of 
Napoleon Bonaparte. July 24 : Came to in Torbay . July 26 : 
Hymouth Sound. July 31 : Came on board Adm. Lord Keith 
and a soldier officer [Bunbury] with despatches. Aug. 4 : 
Sailed out to meet Northumberland. Aug. 7 : At 10 a.m. came 
on board Rr. Adm. Sir G. Cockbum [with Lord Keith]. At 
2 p.m. {sic} Adm. Lord Keith left the ship. Delivered 
Napoleon Bonaparte and suite to Northumberland. Aug. 8- 
19: Moored at Plymouth. Aug. 16: Delivered the Duke 
de Rovigo and Gen. Lallemand to Eurotas. Aug. 17 : Received 
some of the former retinue of Bonaparte. Aug. 20 : At Spit- 
head. Sep. 13 : At Sheemess. At sunset hauled down the 

Conqueror^ (Cpt. Davie, then Wallis, then Stanfell). 

Feb. 23, 1817: At Spithead. Maimed yards to receive 
Admiral. Mar. 15 : Weighed and made sail. May 28 : 

^ Of all the vessels on the St. Helena and Cape Station during 
the Captivity, the flagship Conqueror is the most important. 
Barring a few days' cruise to windward during a period of great 
sickness, she remained at anchor in the Roads for over three 
years, longer than the other three flagships added together 
{Northumberland, eight months ; Newcastle, twelve and a half 



Moored in Simon's Bay. June 6 : Received 37 Frenchmen 
who had been shipwrecked. June 7 : Saluted Lord Amheist 
the Ambassador, with 15 guns, on embarking. June 17: 
Sailed for St. Helena. June 29 : Came to oS Jamestown, and 
found Newcastle, Julia, Podargus, Falmouth, and Griffin, 
[Brought case of books for Napoleon from Lord Holland and 
the Duke of Bedford.] July 2 : Manned yards on Lord 
Amherst's embarking. Jan. 2$, 1818 : Wallis supersedes 
Davie invalided home. Sep. 17 : Stanfell supersedes Wallis 
invalided home. Aug. 30 and 31 and Sep. 1 and 2, 1819 : At 
8 made signal for Court Martial [Stokoe's]. July 20, 1820 : 
Sailed for England. Sep. 9 : Reached Spithead. 

Cormorant (T. Hodgson, Master). 

Oct. 8, 1815 : At 8 a.m. came on board for a passage to 
St. Helena, Capt. Piontkowski {per Navy Board Order, dated 
Sep. 30). Sailed. Dec. 29 : Came to in James' Bay. Dec. 30 : 
At noon Cpt. Piontkowsid left the ship to go to Bonaparte's 
residence at Long Wood. 

David* (T. Hunton, Master). 

[Reached St. Helena from England on May 13, 1816. Then 
plied to and from the Cape and Benguela for stores, bullocks, 
etc. Left St. Helena on Oct. 19, 1816, with Piontkowski and 
the three servants, and reached Cape Nov. 10. On Aug. 22, 
1818,. sailed from St. Helena for Rio de Janeiro with Balmain 
and de Gors on a pleasure-trip, and brought them back on 
Dec. 3 ; also specie in charge of Lt. Edmonck of the 66th. On 
Jan. 15, 1819, sailed for England with invalids of the 66th.] 

EuROTAs (Cpt. lillicrap*). 

July 26, 1815 : Pl5miouth Sound. Arrived BeUeraphon and 
Myrmidon. July 31 {sic} : Received on board 8 ofi&cers and 

months ; Vigo, fourteen months). Hence the buUdness of Plam- 
pin's Journal. Sir R. Wilson's son was a midshipman on the 
Conqueror, and was recommended to Lowe by his father, who 
' remarked that it was vain to combat against destiny ' (L.P., 
20,207, f. no). 

^ Log missing. Compiled from other sources. 

* An account of LiUicrap's cruelty, written by Savary, is given 
in the Wilson Papers after the Letters, 


13 other persons of Bonaparte's retinue. Aug.y: Discharged 
4 of the Frenchmen (servants) into the Northumberland. At 
1.20 (sic) Bonaparte, with Marshal Bertrand, Ct. Montholon, 
General Las Cases was removed from Bellerophan to Northum- 
berland. Aug. 17 : Discharged 11 of Bonaparte's suite into 
Bellerophon [for transfer to France]. Received the Duke of 
Rovigo and Gen. Lallemand for a passage [to Malta]. 

[If the above figures are correct, the transfers work out as 

follows : 

Officers. Domestics. Surgeon. 

My 31 

.. +8» 

+ 13 

Aug. 7 . . 

. • 

-4b +ic 


9 1 = 18 for 

10 da]^. 

Aug. 17 

.. -I 

-9 -i^ 

. . -I 

(Piontkowski into St. George). 


.. +2 

(Rovigo and Lallemand). 

Left % for 


"* The seven of the Myrmidon (q.v,) plus Planat. 
b Cipriani, Santini, Ajrchambault cadet, Rousseau. 
^ Maingaud, from Bellerophon, returning to her on the 17th. 
^ Ste. Catherine, Maingaud, and nine servants into Bellerophon 
for Franoe.] 

EuRYDiCE (Cpt. Wauchope^). 

June- July, 1816 : Moored at the Nore. July 14 : Spithead. 
July 17 : Orders to saU sent by Admiralty (CO., 247. 7). 
July 25 : Weighed anchor. 5^^. 29 : Reached St. Helena. [By 
her Bathurst wrote Lowe 14 Despatches and Private Letters 
dated from June 14 to July 20 affecting the Limits, the 
October Declarations, the Expenses, and Piontkowski's fate.] 
She remains 4 months in the Bay and sails for the Cape on 
Jan. 12, 1817. On Mar. 14, 1819, she brings £24,000 in gold 
for St. Helena from Rio in charge of Cpt. Richards of the 66th. 

Forth (Cpt. Sir Wm. Bolton, Bt.). 

July 24, 1815 : Spithead. Received on board H.R.H. the 
Duchesse d'Angouleme and suite. Manned yards and saluted 

^ Captain Wauchope was presented to Napoleon on January 11, 


with 21 gans. Weighed. Jidy 25 : Came to in Dieppe Roads 
and found HJiiS. OronUs, Ringdove, and Aleri. [By a 
coincidence the Duchesse d'AngouUme, a French frigate, was 
Ijong close to the Bellerophon, when Rovigo and Lallemand 
were transferred to the Eurcias. Hence their momentary 
fear of France as a destination. — Planai, p. 254.] 

Griffin (Cpt. Murray, then Wright^). 

May 19, 1816 : Spithead. Weighed and Sailed. July 24 : 
Reaches St. Helena, with Papers announcing the Prorogation 
of the French Chambers and Bertrand's condemnation. 
Dec. 30 : At 3 Ct. Las Cases and his son came on board for a 
passage to the Cape. Jan. 22, 1817 : Came to in Simon's Bay. 
Plied to and fro. Aug. 31, 1817 : Reached St. Helena from 
the Cape with letters from Las Cases and the Manuscrit venu 
de Ste. Hiline. Oct. xy, 1817 : Arrived at St. Helena from 
Ascension with Cpt. Jenkins Jones and crew of H.M.S. Julia 
lost at sea. Aug. 2, 1818 : Sailed from St. Helena with 
O'Meara and Cpt. Caimes. 

Havannah (Cpt. Hamilton). 

Aug. 8, 1815 : Sailed and joined Norikumberland, Od. Z2 : 
Reached St. Helena. Found Ferret and Icarus. Oct. 24 : 
Sailed for Tristan d'Acunha, the Cape, etc., vdth Despatches 
for Vice-Adm. Sir Ch. Tyler, C.-in-C. at the Cape. Cruised to 
and fro ; returned Feb. 20, 1816. Apr. 23 : At 2 p.m. received 
Governor Wilkes on board, and fired salute of 13 guns. At 
5 p.m. sailed ioc England; with Lowe's first batch of 
Despatches, the Declarations, etc., etc. June 15 : Reached 

LiFFEY (Cpt. Hancock). 

July 27, 1815 : Plymouth. Boats rowing guard round 
BeUerophon. July 28 : Received officers and servants, 21 in 
number, from H.M.S. BeUerophon and Mermaidon (sic), 
Aug. 1 (sic) : Discharged French officers and servants into 
Eurotas {q-v.). 

^ Captain Wright was presented to the Emperor on June 19, 


Myrmidon (Cpt. Gambier). 

Jidy 15, 1815 : Bonaparte and suite embarked on BeUero- 
phon. July 16 : Received 7 French officers^ and 8 servants 
from BdUrophon, being part of Bonaparte's suite. Jidy 24 : 
Came to in Torbay and found Slaney. July 26 : Sailed with 
BeUerophon and Slaney for Plymouth. [Here changed her 
berth to and fro at alternate bidding of Eurotas and BeUero- 
phon.] July 28 : Discharged all the French officers and suite 
of Bonaparte into Liffey {q.v.). 

Newcastle (Cpt. Meynell*). 

Apr. 21, 1816: Spithead. Came on board Rr.-Adm. Sir 
P. Malcolm.' Sailed, Orontes in company. May 8, June 15, 
etc. : Wholesale lashing of mutinous seamen. May 16 : Trial 
of sailing with Oronies. June 9-10 : Eclipse of the moon. 
June 17 : At 2 hove to abreast the Fort of Buttermilk Point.* 
At 4 came to o£E James Town. Found Northumberland and 
Bucephalus. June 18 : Landed the Admiral, the AustrisLn,* 
Russian, and French Commissioners under salute of 13 guns. 
Observed Ladder Hill Fort salute them. Sep. 22 : At i fired 
salute of 21 guns in conmiemoration of H.M. Coronation. 
At 2 weighed and made sail for Cape. Oct. 10 : Came to in 
Simon's Bay [18 days' passage]. Nov. 10 : Arrived the David 
from St. Helena [with Piontkowski]. Nov. 13 : Weighed and 
made sail. Nov. 23: Came to ofE James Town [10 days' 
passage]. Dec. 30 : Sailed the Griffin (q.v.). Jan. 3, 1817 : 
Sailed the Oronies (q^v.). July 4, a.m. : Sailed for England, 
Julia in company.* Aug. 14, p.m. : Reached Spithead. [The 
second fastest passage home during the Captivity — 42 days.] 

1 Rividre, R6signy, Schultz, Autric, Mercher, Piontkowski, 
and Ste. Catherine. 

* Author of the ConversaHons (Humphreys, X911). 
^ With Bahnain, Montchenu, and de Gors. 

' When was fired the challenge shot mentioned by Balmain. 

^ Strictly, from the Oronies, with the Botanist Welle. The 
Newcastle brought, besides the despatches, the Warrant and the 
Act, twenty cases of books for Napoleon and Hobhouae's two 
volumes, which Lowe retained (L.P., 20,115, f. 46). 

* With W. and E. Fowler as passengers. On July 2 the Admiral's 
Secretary, Irving, had a long interview with Napoleon. 


Northumberland (Cpt. Ross). 

June 1, 1815 : At Chatham. Lt. R. Dickinson commissions 
the ship. June-Jfdy : At the Nore, in the Downs. July 31 : 
At Spithead. Aug. 1: Received 3 R.A. Officers and 40 men, 
and 4 field-pieces. Aug, 2: Hoisted flag of Rr.-Adm. Sir G. 
Cockbum. Aug. 3 : Deserted from the boats 23 seamen. At 
4.30 weighed and made sail. Aug. 6, p.m. : Berry Head bore 
N. b. E. J E. ; Start Point W.S.W. i W., about i J miles oflf 
shore. H.M.S. Tonnant, Belief ophon, a Frigate (Eurotas);, and 
two Troopships {Bucephalus and CeyUm) in company. Aug.j : 
At II (sic) Gen. Bonaparte came on board from BeUerophon 
accompanied by Lord Keith and the following persons — yiz., 
Ct. Bertrand and his wife, three children, a servant and her 
child (sidj, Gen. de Montholon, his wife, one child and a female 
servant. Gen. Gomgaud, Ct. de Las Cases, his son, and 9 
servants and a surgeon [O'Meara].^ At 4 hoisted in Boats. 
At 7.45 p.m. weighed and made sail. Aug. 8 : Sent part of 
the 53rd on board the Havannah. Aug. 24 : Funchal. Portu- 
guese Consul came on board. Sep. 21 : Saw a strange sail. 
Peruvian went in chase. Sep. 22 : Noon. Lat. o^ 54' N. 
Long. 5** 22' W.* Oct. 15 : At 10.25 a.m. anchored abreast of 
James Valley in 9 fathoms. Found at anchor H.M.S. 
Havannah, Peruvian, Icarus, Zenohia, Ferret, and Redpole; 
E.I. Lady Carrington, extra, E.I. Theodosia ; a merchantman, 
and the Company's Schooner (5/. Helena). Oct. 17 : [At 8] P.m. 
landed Gen. Bonaparte and suite. Oct. 18 ; Landed artillery, 
stores, luggage of Gen. Bonaparte, and 43 boxes of dollars 
belonging to the Commissary. Oct. 25 : Sent working-party 
of 112 seamen to Longwood. Nov. 10 : Sent working-party 
on shore to assist in building houses for the reception of Gen. 

^ Other passengers were Bingham, Ibbetson, Dr. Verling, 
Captain Greatly, R.A., Janisch. 

' Going one cipher better than Cockbum, Montholon states 
that Napoleon crossed the Line at noon on the day of the 
Autumnal Equinox, on the meridian of Greenwich, thus giving 
four zeros, of latitude, longitude, time and sun's declination. 
A simple calculation from the Log, allowing for a slight variation 
in the average fate of sailing, shows that the Equator was crossed 
on September 23 at 8 a.m., or so, 4 degrees west of Greenwich. 
That meridian was crossed quite unnecessarily on the 26th. 


Bonaparte. [Parties of 50 to 200 sent up daily till March, 

1816.] Dec, 29 : Arrived H.M. storeship Cormorant, the 

Thomas and Mary transport. Mar. 16, 1816: Lt. Thorn 

appointed to command at Ascension. June 19 : Weighed and 

made sail. 

Orontss (Cpt. Cochrane). 

Apr, 17, 1816 : Spithead. Came on board Baron Stfirmer 
and his wife [and Welle]. Apr. 21 : Sailed in company with 
flagship Newcastle. June 18 (sic) : Reached St. Helena. 
June 19 : Northumberland sails for England. Nov. 24 : At 
Cape Town with Newcastle and others. Dec. 8 : Came on 
board Cpt. Piontkowski and 3 servants. Dec. 9 : Sailed. 
Dec. 18 : Reached St. Helena. Anchored in Roads. Dec. 20 : 
Guard-boats rowing guard during night. Jan. 3, 1817 : 
Sailed for England. FA. 15 : Reached Spithead. Found 
H.M.S. Conqueror. 

Phaeton (Cpt. Stanfell,^ then Dillon). 

Jan. 29, 1816 : At 3.30 p.m. sailed. [No mention of Lowe ; 

a reference to his baggage.] Feb. 14-18 : Funchal. Saluted 

Sir H. Lowe on returning on board with 13 guns. Apr. 14 : 

At. 5 p.m. came to abreast of James Town. Apr. 15 : Landed 

Sir H. Lowe and suite — 15 guns. Apr. 30 : Sailed for Cape, 

etc. Nov. 19, 1817 : At Port Louis (Mauritius). Came on 

board Governor Farquhar, and Commissioner Paget and suite. 

Sailed for Cape, etc. Jan. 4-8, 1818 : St. Helena. Feb. 21 : 


St. George (Cpt. Nash). 

Aug.-Oct., 1815 : At moorings in the Hamoaze. [No 
mention of Piontkowski, who came on board on Aug. 17, and 
left on Oct. 8.] 

Slaney (Cpt. Sartorius). 

July 14, 1815 : At 10 p.m. came on board a French General 
[Gourgaud], Aide-de-Camp to Napoleon Bonaparte. Weighed 
and made sail out of the Bay. July 23 : At 10.15 came to in 

^ Captain Stanfell was presented to Napoleon on March 25, 


Superb (Cpt. Senhouse). 

/^y I3» 1815 *- Standing round the Caidinab. /iify 15 : At 
8 a.m. Betterophon flying a flag of truce in Basque Roads. At 
XI.30 came to ... at S. end of Island of Aix . . . and found 
here BMerofhon and Myrmidon, former having Napoleon 
Bonaparte on board. Jidy 16: BdUrophon in company. 
Performed Divine service. [No mention of Napoleon's visit 
to Hotham, nor of any special Te De$tm f\ 

ToNNANT (Cpt. Brenton). 

Aug. 4, 1815 : At Plymouth, in company with Betterophon, 
Eurotas, and Myrmidon. Adm. Lord Vt. Keith came on 
board. Hoisted his flag and hauled down that of Vice-Adm. 
Sir B. Hallowell. Aug. 7 : At 2.30 {sic) Gen. Bonaparte and his 
suite were removed to H.M.S. Northumberland. At 6.30 
weighed and made sail [back to Plymouth] with Betterophon, 
Eurotas, and Myrmidon in company. 

Vigo (Cpt Brown). 

Mar. 30, 1820 : Sailed from Torbay. June 16 : Reached 
Simon's Bay. July 3 : Sailed for St. Helena. Jidy 14 : Came 
to ofiE James Town. May 5, 1821: [Death of Napoleon.] 
Wind, S.S.E. ; Sea, moderate ; Weather, fine.* May 9 : Fired 
25 Minute Guns for Gen. Bonaparte's PuneraL May 27 : 
Sailed the Camel. Returned her salute of 13 guns with 11. 
Sep. II : Sailed for Cape, etc. Jan. 1, 1822 : Reached 

* No mention of the hurricane in the evening (cf. Lambert's 
Journal, Appendix D). The Log of the Heron says : * SJE. by 
E. ; moderate ; cloudy/ towards evening. 



I. — ^Malcolm's (HMS. Newcastle). 

1816. Reached St. Helena June 17. June 19 : Ordered 
Captains of Phaeion, Spey, Leveret, Racoon, Mosquito, Julia, 
Icarus, and Zephyr to put themselves under my conunand. 
Aug. 16 : Lt. Paine, of H.M,S. Newcastle, proceeds to coast 
of Africa to report upon the practicability of procuring 
supplies of live oxen. Aug, 23 : Letter from Admiralty 
respecting O'Meara's allowance as Bonaparte's surgeon. 
Sep. 21 : Wrote to Cpt. Stanfell [of Phaeton] in reply to his 
request to be acquainted with the person of Gen. Bonaparte. 
Oct. 30 : Letter from Navy Board : allowance to C.-in-C. for 
stationery reduced to £30 p.a. Dec. 28 : Order to Cpt. Wright 
to receive on board the Griffin for a passage to the Cape the 
Ct. Las Cases and his son, and there to await the orders of 
the Government of that place for their disposal. 

1817. Jan. 16 : General memorandum re issue of lemon- 
juice and sugar in lieu of vegetables, which cannot at this time 
be procured. Feb. 10 : Circular letter transmitting memor- 
andum from Secretary of Royal Society with observations on 
certain phenomena which were to take place in 1817 and 1818. 

II. — ^Plampin's {H.M.S. Conqueror). 

1816. Nov. 25 : Appointed C.-in-C. on Cape of Grood Hope 
station. Navy Board letter stating that the board-room of 
the Conqueror cannot be fitted agreeably to my request. 
Do. stating that directions have been given to erect a cabin 
on board for my Secretary. 

* ForCockbum's, see his published Diary, Buonaparte's Voyage 
to St. Helena, Boston, Mass., 1833. 

273 18 


1817. January: Navy Board ktter signifying that the 
Squadron under my command are to be allowed a Peace 
Establishment, the number of men as under : — Phaeton 255, 
Oronies 245, Falmouth no, Spey no, Eurydice 125, Mosquito 
100, Racoon 100, Griffon 85, Julia 85, Podargus 85, and 
Leveret 65. Feb. 22 : Hoisted my flag on board H.MS. 
Conqueror. Saluted flag of Adm. Thomborough. [Feb. 26 : 
Stokoe falls already under official displeasure for not having 
at once brought invahds to notice;] Mar. 15 : Weired and 
made sail. Hardy tender (Lt. Prowse) in company. June 6 : 
Letter to Capt. Davie, of the Conqueror, to receive the crew 
of H.M.C.M.'s late ship Alouette, wrecked on this coast, there 
being no vessel in Simon's Bay to convey them to France, 
victualling them at f of a seaman's allowance. June 13 : 
Examined the Naval Hospital [at Cape Town] ; advised the 
wall to be raised, it being impossible to keep the convalescents 
in, from the facility of getting over it. July i : Letter to 
Malcolm asking for Court Martial on Lt. Parker of the 
Conqueror for neglect of duty. [Malcolm replies there are not 
enough Captains on the Station.] July 15 : Lowe writes for 
timber to build a house at Lemon Valley for the surgeon [in 
chaige of Naval Hospital]. Aug. 1: Ordered a survey on the 
health of Cpt. Festing of H.M.S. Racoon [late of HJd.S. 
Falmouth — ^he is invaUded home]. Sep. 1, 10 p.m. : Slight 
shock of earthquake. 

1818. Jan. 2 : Letter to the Captains of the Ships of the 
Squadron with copy of Secy. Barrow's letter to me respecting 
Mr. Warden's pubUcation. Jan. 24 : Order to Cpt. Theed of 
H.M.S. Leveret to receive Cpt. Davie [Conqueror] and Lt. 
Bertram for a passage to England, invalided. Mar. 22 : 
Letter from Mr. Sitford, High Peak Farm, stating poor result 
of potato crop, half being lost through the grubworm and the 
scarcity of water. Spring — Summer: Much iUness in the 
Squadron. Conqueror cruises to windward. Weekly surveys 
on health. July 2 : Sent the Eurydice and Hyaena 1$ sick 
men each to proceed to the Cape for the benefit of their health. 
July II : Came on board Baron Stiirmer [farewell visit]. 
July 18 : Letter from Cpt. Robinson of H.M.S. Favorite con- 
cerning the sudden disappearance of the Island of Saxemburg 


[South Atlantic]. Aug, 2 : Wrote to Admiralty that the 
Griffin did not sail on July 30 in consequence of a complaint 
that Mr. O'Meara's baggage had been plundered on its way 
down from Longwood. Sep. 23 : Application from Mr. Aeneas 
Mcintosh, purser of H.M.S. Sappho, for a G>urt Martial on 
Cpt. Plumridge, of that sloop. Od, 2 : Application from 
Cpt. Plimiridge for a survey to be held on the health of 
Mr. Aeneas Mcintosh (!). Dec. 26 : Court Martial on Rev. 
P. Pounden, schoolmaster of H.M.S. Fav&riie. 

1819. [January — July : Officers, petty officers, and seamen 
sent home sick en masse in charge of Suigeons Alexander, 
Phillips, Claperton, and others, themselves invalided.] 
Jan. 26 : Survey on diseased sheep on TrtncanuUee [invalid 
ship]. Jan. 28: Ordered Cpts. Rennie, Gore, and Hill to 
survey the health of Mr. J. Stokoe, together with such seamen 
of the Squadron as may be deemed fit objects for invaliding. 
Feb. I : Appointed Jno. Hately surgeon to Conqueror vice 
Stokoe {pro tern.). Feb. 5 : Order to Hately to destroy stores 
condemned by survey at the Naval Hospital at Lemon Valley. 
Sent Hardy tender to Ascension, for ' as many turtle as she 
can conveniently stow.' Feb. ix : Survey on rice, ' unfit to 
issue, being fusty and full of vermin.' March 6 : 75 guns 
fired and generad mourning ordered [for death of Queen]. 
Mar. 17 : General Memorandum to the Squadron that no 
person whatever belonging to H.M. Ships under my command, 
or that may hereafter arrive, is to have any conmiunication 
with General Bonaparte or his followers without my per- 
mission or that of the Governor of St. Helena. Mar. 19 : 
Issued two books respecting the new mode of exercise for the 
great guns. Mar. 23 : H.M.S. Eurydice sent to Cape ' to 
afiord such assistance as the disturbed state of the Colony 
may require.' Mar. 29 : Letters concerning scarcity of flour 
and wheat at the Cape. Apr. 26 : General memorandum to 
Squadron to report to me whether they are provided with the 
Act of Apr. II, 1816, 'for the more efiEectually detaining in 
custody Napoleon Buonaparte.' Apr. 28 : Survey on flour, 
'said to be fusty.' May 28: General memorandimi to 
Squadron that no letter or packet is to be taken from any 
person on this Island for conveyance to Europe, the Cape, 


South America, or dsewhexe, nnless from the Post OfSce (in a 
regular mail), or from the Secretary to the Govenunent 
[Brooke], the D.A.G. [Reade], or my Secretary [Eliott]. 
June 13 : Survey on flour, ' complained of as being sandy/ 
June 15 : Survey on ' sour wine and damaged bread.' 
Jnne 20 : Survey on bread ' mouldy, musty, and unfit to 
issue/ June 25 : Court Martial on Purser Mcintosh — dis- 
missed the Navy. June 28, Sep, 10 : Survey on biscuits, 
' weevilly, mouldy, full of vermin.' July 5 : Officers ordered 
to see a quantity of condenmed stores thrown into the sea. 
July 10 : Ordered to certify that the coffins supplied by the 
Naval Storekeeper ' are necessarily required for the interment 
of an equal number of corpses ' (!). July 14, i4«£:. 3 : Survey 
on flour, ' musty and full of vermin.' July 18 : Lts. Quin, 
Ralph, and others invalided home. Aug, 18 : Survey on pork, 
' said to be rotten.' Aug. 30 — Sep. 2 : Court Martial on 
Stokoe. Sep. 3 : Appointed Jno. Hately Surgeon to Conqueror 
vice Stokoe. 5^^. 28 : Survey on a cask of pease. Sep. 29 : 
Order re disposal of French schooner La Sylphe captured by 
H.M.S. Redwing. Sep. 30 : H.M.S. Menai to proceed to the 
Cape to lend assistance during the CaGEre War. Od. 9 : 
Survey on an ullage of wine. Od. 25 : Do. on defective 
stores and tobacco, ' musty and unfit to issue.' Nov. 5 : 
Court Martial on Capt. Hurm of Redwing [acquitted]. Royal 
Salute in commemoration of Gunpowder Plot. Dec, 14: 
Order to issue half allowance of rum to the crews, only once 
a week and that on Sunday afternoon.^ 

1820. Jan. 3 : [Plampin promoted to Rear-Adm. of the 
White.] Shifted flag from blue to white at the mixen, returned 
salute of Squadron with 15 guns and of the Batteries with 17 
guns. Jan. 18, 12.20 p.m. : An English ship came off and 
was fired at by Bankes' Battery. 12.30 p.m. : She bore up 

^ A dreary year for the Squadron, this 18 19, when officers and 
men fell sick by the shipload and were sent home by the tenderful, 
when Lemon Valley Hospital was supplemented by the one at 
High Peak, when Court-Martials were held at the rate of one a 
fortnight, burials thrice a week, and surveys on foul provisions 
every other day I Still, like the sparrows' twitter through the 
City's murk, comes the daily burden of the ' caulkers caulking ' 
cheerfully I 


and made all sail. Hoisted the recall flag and filed several 
guns to enforce it. At x H,M.S, Menai slipt and made all 
sail in chase. At 3 observed Menai boarding stranger.^ 
Apr. 22 : Death of Geoige III. announced : standard half- 
mast, colours ditto, 81 minute guns. Apr* 23 : General 
memorandum : The o£Bcers of the Squadron are to wear 
black crape on the left arm, and sword knots, and ornaments 
of the hat covered with same. May 2 : Accession of Geoige IV. 
— 21 guns. JfUy 14 : H.M.S. Vigo arrives. July 20 : 
Conqueror sails — 17 guns fiied and returned. Jtdy 26 : At 
Ascension. Aug. 23 : Death of Lt. Smithurst. Sep. 9 : Came 
to at Spithead. Saluted flag of Adm. Sir G. Campbell. 

III.— Lambert's (H.M.S. Vigo). 

1820. March : Spithead. Mar, 30 : Sailed. Apr, 18 : At 
Santa Cruz [Tenerifie]. Private request from Municipality 
for news of public affairs in Spain. May 25 : Lat. 26^ 48' S. ; 
Long. 14° 48' W. (Cape of Good Hope, 1,860 miles). ' This 
day entered on my Station.' 48 on sick list. Jfune 16 : 
Simon's Bay. Found H.M.S. Heron, Weymouth, and Hardy, 
H,M.S, Tees arrived, struck by lightning. July 3 : Sailed. 
July 14 : St. Helena. July 16 : Visited High Peak Hospital. 
July 17 : Court-Martial on Master of H,M.S. Brazen. July 21 : 
Called with the Governor at Longwood, and left a card for 
Gen. Bonaparte. Aug. 4: Letter to Agent- Victualler at the 
Cape to send seeds for gardens here, with a view to diminish 
the enormous expense of vegetables. Sep. 20 : Wrote to Navy 
Board for flannel waistcoats. Od. 25 : Arrived H,M,S, 
Owen Glendower from River Plate with despatch from Comm. 
Sir T. Hardy and 7,000 dollars for this Island. Oct. 29 : 
Letter from Capt. Spencer enclosing application from the 
drum-major of the 20th Regt. to the Purser of the Owen 
Glendower to sell him tobacco. Sent to Sir H. Lowe 'to 
cause inquiry to be made into the reason of this insulting 
application.' Nov. 6 : 19 guns fired by each vessel in com- 
memoration of the Gunpowder Plot [the sth was a Sunday]. 

^ A similar incident occurred on the i6th with an American 
ship (L.P., 20,207, f. 208). 


Dec. 26 : Capt. Rennie's report [HM,S. Tees\ : Punishments 
heavy ; explanation shall be sent to the Admiralty. 

1821. Jan. 5 : Letter to Lowe re the Master and Midship- 
men of H.M.S, Blossom, who ' had strayed into Longwood 
more from ignorance than wilful disobedience.' Jan. 15 : 
Appointed Mr. John Toovey to the Redwing. Feb. 15 : 
Cholera morbus at Manilla. Amott s^pointed Quarantine 
Officer by Lowe. Mar. 6-8 : Very high surf — no communi- 
cation with shipping — several men injured landing in harbour 
— ^women killed — wharves damaged. [Lowe's description, 
L.P., 20,132, f. 231.3 Mar. 7-8 : H.M.S. Beaver and Heron 
arrive. Capt. Marryat places himself under Lambert's 
command. Mar. 13 : Letter from Lowe, with reasons why 
the Master Attendant [Brabazon] cannot in many cases go on 
board ships coming in.^ Mar. 26 : Circular letter : Stores 
are not to be purchased at exorbitant prices. Apr. i : Letter 
from Sir T. Hardy : ' The supposed destination of the French 
Squadron [cruising oflE the Argentine] is the Pacific' May 5 : 
Sea Moderate, weather fine. Gen. Bonaparte departed this 
life at 6 p.m. {sic). May 6 : Visited the corpse of Gen- 
Bonaparte in company with the Governor and the French 
Commissioner. Fishing-boats restrictions taken off. Guard 
not to be rowed at night. Notice of cessation of contracts 
connected with supplies for St. Helena. May 7 : HM.S. 
Heron (Cpt. Hanmer) sails with the Admiral's despatches in 
charge of Cpt. Hendry of H.M.S. Rosario, Cpt. Crokat, 
20th Regt., taking the Governor's. May 7 : Conmiission to 
Lieutenant [G. R.] Lambert to act as Commander of Rosario. 
May 8 : Commission to Capt. Marryat [of H.M.S. Beaver] 
to act as Commander of Rosario [at his special request ; 
see App. B, March 7, 1821]. Commission to Acting-Captain 
Lambert to act as Commander of the Beaver.* May 8 : 

^ On April 12, Brabazon was suspended for neglect of duty 
in not boarding one of the E.I.C.'s ships, which, in consequence, 
ran into the Vigo. Lambert was very wroth, and threatened 
to ' fire at any ship ' that did so again {St. Helena Records). 

' There is sometlung revolting in the opportunism of Admiral 
Lambert, who, in Napoleon's death, saw one thing and one thing 
only : his young brother's promotion. The Lieutenant was in 
command of the tender Hardy and seems to have danced attend- 


General Memorandum: To fire 25 minute guns on signal 
made to-morrow. A detachment of marines from Squadron 
to assist at ceremony of Gen. Bonaparte's interment ; and 
Captains and all officers who can be spared from duty to 
attend at Longwood at ^ before 11 to-morrow. May 9 : 
Attended funeral of Gen. Bonaparte — sea moderate, weather 
fine, ilf ^ 13 : Hard gales ; Vigo broke her moorings. May 19 : 
Letter to Grovemor Farquhar of Mauritius : ' Death of Gen. 

ance upon his ' big brother/ both professionally and privately. 
One surmises that these fraternal reciproicities were a byword 
in both Services, for even the Governor is moved to a satirical 
reply. His despatch to Bathurst, of April 3, 1821, sheds too 
strong a Ught upon the gruesome and cynical tone of the Admiral, 
and upon his own suspiciousness, not to be worth quoting at some 
length : ' The Admiral as well as the Marquis de Montchenu 
were both living at Plantation House during the time [end of 
March]. The Marquis was always satisfied with such informa- 
tion as I gave him [upon Napoleon's illness and seclusion]. 
The Admiral, though minutely acquainted with everything, 
was, to use an ordinary expression, very fidgeUy. He wanted at 
one moment to lay an embargo on all vessels publicly, and was 
not dissuaded until I made him understand that the responsi- 
bility of the idat of such a measure must rest entirely with him- 
self. He quoted to me the arguments he would employ to per- 
suade General Boni^arte to show himself, without appearing 
to reflect that if he could be approached, to he seen and spoken 
to, there could be no necessity of any argument at all I One of 
his observations was, however, too remarkable not to be men- 
tioned to your Lordship. On shewing to him Dr. Amott's first 
note [Apr. i], where he spoke of having felt Gen. Bonaparte 
but not seen him, he asked me if I did not think this conduct 
very childish. I replied that Gen. B. was a man who did not 
regulate his conduct by any of the ordinary rules of life, and 
I reminded the Admiral of the story of the Cardinal who during 
the sittings of a Conclave pretended to be very ill and almost 
dying, which induced the other Cardinals to elect him as Pope 
[Sixtus v.], under the impression that the Papal Chair would the 
sooner again become vacant ; but he had no sooner been elected 
than he immediately cast aside all his infirmities and filled the 
Chair for several years. Such conduct had not drawn any par- 
ticular blame on him, but on the contrary had always been 
dted as an instance of sound policy. The Admiral looked very 
grave at this, and after a short pause turned to me and said : 
" If he should die, I should like to see his body ; the corpse so 


Bonaparte — ^port open.' May 20 : Passed by the Henri 
(French trader) from Mauritius to Bordeaux. Not allowed 
to anchor (!). May 23 : Came in E.I.C.'s VansiUart. May 27 : 
Sailed the Camel at 3. July 26 : Dunira sailed. Sep. 10 : 
Letters to Balcombe, Cole and Co. closing contracts for beer 
and vegetables, and expressing satisfaction. Do. to O'Connor 

soon becomes putrid in this climate that I should like to be 
informed so as to see him the morning afterwards." " Oh, cer- 
tainly/' I answered, " not only you, Sir, but your Surgeon 
[Mitchell] shall have an opportunity of seeing and examining 
the body." The Admiral, as if feeling he had said something 
improper, added in a kind of smiling confidential manner : " In 
the ups and downs of life opportunities should not be neglected. 
I was sending my Brother to the Isle of France, but have delayed 
him a few days in the event of anything happening, because I 
would send him home with the Despatch. I would like therefore 
to be informed as soon as possible on this account." " Oh, 
certainly," I again replied, adding, but ironically, " and it may 
be a ground for him to ask promotion upon." " Yes," the 
Admiral said, " the information might be acceptable " ' (L.P., 
20,140, f. 104). Alas, like another Monarch, Napoleon took an 
unconscionable time a-dying, and on April 4 young Lambert 
sailed for Mauritius. But he was not forgotten. On May 7. 
the Admiral sent Captain Hendry home quite unnecessarily, and 
obviously in order to create a vacancy for his brother. The 
proper person to take his despatches was Captain Hanmer of 
the Heron, himself; and Crokat (who got a majority for his 
trouble), of course, might have tatken both sets. Then came the 
above appointments, and a twenty-four hours' command of the 
Rosafio — 2,000 miles off ! — ^is put to Lambert junior's credit. 
Seeing that Lowe's despatch was doubtless passed on by Bathurst 
to Melville, one is not surprised to find that on July 7, the 
Admiralty censured Lambert's action in sending Hendry back, 
and appointed ' Lieut. Maclean ' to succeed the latter. By 
the time the Admiral heard from them, his lucky brother was 
taking the Beaver across to Rio to join Sir Thomas Hardy's 
Squadron. Thus, incidentally, did the one Service inform against 
the other. En passant, one trait characterized all our St. Helena 
Admirals — a lack of independent action, shall we say ? They 
never quite ' sailed on their own bottoms,' so to speak, and, 
like their flagships, always had a tender about them. Cock- 
burn's secretary, Malcolm's wife, Plampin's mistress, Lambert's 
brother — a various, and vicarious, quartette I And the most 
tender, I opine, was the third 1 


and Carroll for soft bread. Sep, 11 : 'At 10.30, being waited 
upon by the Officers of the Garrison, the Members of Council, 
and the Public Authorities, I took leave of them, expressing 
my satisfaction at the harmony which had subsisted between 
the several services during my Command.' At 2.30 weighed 
and made sail for the Cape. Oct, 27 : Received news of 
appointment as Rear-Admiral of the White, Jan. i, 1822 : 
Reached Spithead, with Sir Jahleel Brenton, Conmiissioner at 
the Cape, as passenger. 



I.-^Reade in his RAle. 

' I shall watch him [Bertiand] myself likewise, and will 
not leave town until he quits it.' 

(Reade to Lowe, May i, 1818, L.P., 20,207, f. 100.) 

' The Marquis and Capt. de Gors were some time in con- 
versation with Ct. and Ctess. Bertrand jresterday. They 
met near Hutt's Gate, and proceeded towards Plantation 
House by the New Road. They left James Town about 
2 o'c, and went directly up the Valley by Major Hodson's» I 
imagine to avoid being seen going up the Side Path.' 

{Ibid., f. 266.) 

' My dear Sir, 

' Laroche has been in Town this morning. He has 
had an interview with Mr. Gates, who has been employed in 
the Brewhouse belonging to Balcombe, Cole and Co., and who 
is going to the Cape in the Perseverance, He has embarked 
with his baggage, but his interview with Laroche appears 
rather suspicious, and I have thought it right to let you know 
it before the ship sails. You can signalize me whether she 
may sail. The Provost-Serjeant was with them the whole 
time and heard what was said. He says nothing of conse- 
quence was mentioned. Laroche had likewise a long inter- 
view with the Marquis's servant who came from Rio in the 


' Yrs., etc., 

'T. Reade.' 

(Reade to Lowe, December 4, 1818, L.P., 20,124, f. 339.) 




'Having received a signal at Plantation House that 
McGrath was on the road to James Town, I proceeded there 
immediately. Upon the road between High Ejioll and 
Ladder Hill I overtook his wife and inquired where she was 
going. She replied : " To James Town." The moment of 
my arrival in Town I sent a Serjeant to meet her and bring 
her to my Office, but he was told she had returned very soon 
after I had spoken to her. I sent also for McGrath, but 
finding he was much in Liquor I ordered him to the Guard 
until he was sober. When he was brought to me a second time, 
I questioned him very particularly about his coming so often, 
to the Town and also about the visits which the French 
servants were in the habit of making at his Hut. He said his 
own visits to the Town were principally made for the purpose 
of purchasing a few articles which he retailed to the soldieis 
at the Camp, and he denied that the French servants fre- 
quented his Hut. During the time he was in the Guard Room 
the Marquis' servant appeared to be very inquisitive, and 
made many inquiries as to the reason of his being confined, 
and a girl who lives at the house occupied by Baize the hair- 
dresser, a house of common resort both for McGrath's family 
as well as the Marquis' servant, was observed going to the 
Marquis' with a bundle. I took the opportunity of sending 
my Clerk with a book for Cpt. de Gors, desiring him at the 
same time to be partictdar in observing what the girl was 
about. He went suddenly into the servant's room and found 
the Marquis' steward with the bundle which the girl had 
delivered ; but upon his observing my Gerk, he threw the 
bundle hastily into a Box and appeared confused. My Clerk 
observed to him : " You need not be alarmed ; pray what have 
you got ?" The answer was that it was a Cake which Mrs, 
Baize had sent to him.' 

(Reade to Lowe, July 31, 2820. L.P;, 20,130, f. 304.) 

[Lowe sends the above to Bathurst, adding : ' The circum- 
stance of a bundle delivered to the Marquis' servant is cer- 
tainly very sus^Hcious. ... I may perhaps with Sir T. Reade's 
effectual assistance be enabled to trace something more 



II. — Plampin A-plothn'. 

Private. ' Briars, 

' Jan, 27, 1819. 

' My dear Sir, 

' To save time I wish you would send a secret order to 

the Serjeant of the Guard at the brow of Alarm Hill to look 

out for Mr. Torbett, that if he sees him going towards 

Longwood to let him pass your House [Alarm House] but to 

have him very closely watched — indeed, to allow him to go 

on, if the person can keep pace with him, but on an appearanoe 

of his being able to join or speak to any Foreigner, qui que ce 

sail, to instantly arrest him and bring him to Briars, so closely 

watching him that he could not possibly get rid of any piece 

of Paper whatever. I have reason to think, when on foot 

he is in the habit of striking across the Punch Bowl. If so, 

is there not a sentinel somewhere above Hutt's Gate that 

could watch and prevent communication ? I suspect that 

he is made the mode of communication between St — e 

[Stokoe] and Bertrand. Lose no time, as it's very likely he 

may be employed to-day. Do you know whether he was on 

foot or on horseback on Monday when he was that way ? 

In great haste. 

* Yrs., etc., 

'R. Plampin.' 

' Sir Thos. Reads, C.B.' 

(L.P., 20,125. f. 233.) 

[This within a week of Dr. Stokoe's being called to attend 
Napoleon. What Torbett could possibly have conveyed from 
Bertrand to the Surgeon except another summons to the 
Patient's side one fails to see. Any confidence would have 
awaited his arrival. But that suppression of three letters of 
the name gives us about the measure of Plampin 's intelligence. 
On top of the foregoing the following strikes the sublime I] 

' Secret. 

' Sep, I, 1819, I past 8 />.m. 

' My dear Sir, 

' I thank you sincerely for your v. obliging note 
which I have just received. Duplicity may have its existence 


somewhere. Candid in my own proceedings, I am loath to 
suspect it in another. At all events, I trust the most inveter- 
ate enemy I may have . . . will not have it in his power to 
take me by surprise, or by the utmost ingenuity be enabled 
to invalidate any part of that which I have stated on a 

solemn oath. 

' I remain, etc., 

* R. Plampin.' 
' To Sir H. Lowb.' 

(L.P., 20,128, f. X.) 

III.— On Dit. 

• Jambs Town. 

' May 22, 1818. 

' Dear Sir, 

' Ensign Patterson (St. H. Regt.) has informed me 

that shortly after the Proclamation was put up yesterday 

Privates T. Resoiolds and Wm. Pearce, 66th Regt., were 

reading it, when Daniel Smith the Carpenter came up for 

the same purpose, and on leaving said : " Damn me if I would 

mind giving Five Pounds to assist in getting him off !" They 

say he meant Buonaparte.' 

(L.P., 20,122, f. 364.) 

[Unsigned^ but probably from Town-Major Cole to Reade.] 


' I have thought it advisable to inclose a List of the princi- 
pal persons respecting whom Capt. Ripley [v. Appendix B, 
May 24, 1819] might be questioned in the manner pointed out 
in my letter . . . whose character may render them more or 
less suspected : — 

1. Mr. Samuel Solomon, shopkeeper. 

2. Mr. Bruce, clerk to above. 

3. Mr. Joseph Solomon, shopkeeper. 

4. Mr. Lewis Solomon, do. 

5. Mr. Boorman, plumber '\ 

6. Mr. Paine, paperhanger \ employed at Longwood. 

7. Mr. Darling, upholsterer J 

8. Mr. He}rwood, tavern-keeper. 
9* Mr. Lowden, do. 


House of Balcombe, Cole and Co. 
[Mr. B. was then in England.] 

10. Ifr. Cole, postmaster, 
zi. Mr. Fowler, sen. 

12. Mr. Fowler, jun. 

13. Mr. Waring, clerk 

14. Mr. Banks, do. 

15. Mr. Scriven, warehouseman. 

16. Mr. Wright, late Capt. St. Helena Regt. 

17. Mr. Metcalfe, carpenter. 

18. Mr. Bannister, victualler. 

19. Mr. Simpson, empbyed in Commissariat (squinis a liUle.) 

20. Mr. Eyre, lodging-keeper, where Cpt. Ripley lodged. 

21. Mr. Mulhall, clerk in the Commissariat. 

22. Mr. Chamberla}^!, carpenter. 

23. Mr. Gordon, cooper [" the one-eyed "]. 

24. Mr. Baker, contractor. 

25. Mr. Carroll, merchant. 

26. Mr. McRitchie, shopkeeper. 

27. Mr. Torbett, do. 

28. Mr. Blunden, clerk. 

29. Mr. Greenland, shopkeeper. 

30. Mr. Green, do. 

31. Mr. Dring, auctioneer. 

32. Mr. Julio, a young man without fixed emplojmient. 

33. Mr. Tracy, butcher. 

34. Cpt. Brash, of the Ltisiiania.' 

(Lowe to Bathurst, June 8, 1819, L.P., 20, 126, f. 374.) 

[The above amiable List, which constitutes pretty well the 
mercantile Who's Who of St. Helena, gives us 34 ' principal ' 
suspects out of a total white adult male trading community 
of about twice that number. Lowe manifestly chose the 
wholesale system. One mildly wonders what Wright and 
Brash are doing in that galley when ' Daniel Smith the 
Carpenter ' is of^ of it, whether the romantic Julio ever tried 
to be employed in the dative, and why the strabismal Simpson 
was never posted by Reade en vigie at the cross-roads of the 
Alarm House.] 


THE • PLOT ' OF 1817. 

Extract from a Letter written from Philadelphia, 

July 24, 1817. 

The execution of the project of removing Buonaparte 
from St. Helena, hatched by Joseph Buonaparte, is entrusted 
to General Raoul. Joseph has received for him and handed 
over to him an engraved map of the Island, brought by 
Rousseau, valet of Buonaparte, to which are affixed the two 
(sic) following signatures : ' Buonaparte, Napoleon.' Des- 
nouettes is entrusted with the purchase of two schooners of 
310 tons, carrying guns of 12-calibre and provided with a 
furnace to make the shot red-hot. The two Lallemand's are 
to recruit the officers and men. The officers will proceed 
from Philadelphia to New York and Baltimore, and thence 
come together at Annapolis, where are found at the present 
moment Calabert, ci-devani Colonel of the 50th Regt. of the 
Line, and Adolphe de Pont6coulant, Grouchy's nephew. 
Colonel Latapie has already gone with 32 officers to Pemam- 
buco. The meeting-place for this expedition is the Island of 
Fernando Noronha, 70 leagues ofE the coast of Brazil, long. 
34** 58' W., lat. 3** 56' S. Here are to unite Buonaparte's 
French officers, to the number of about 80, 700 men from the 
United States, the two schooners, and the vessel of 74 com- 
manded by Lord Cochrane, carrying 800 men and 2 or 
300 officers. This total force is to sail for St. Helena, engage 
the English cruisers, bum them, and then make three attacks 
by land, one on the Capital, another on Sandy Bay, and a 
third on Prosperous Bay. The first is a sham, designed to 
draw the English troops to Jamestown ; the second, which 



will employ the major part of the stiengtii of the expedition, 
will carry the fort in the middle of the Island ; and the last 
will be directed against Longwood for the purpose of carrying 
off Buonaparte and putting him on the swiftest sailing-ship, 
which will bring him to the United States. Raoul has no 
doubts as to the success of the expedition, and thinks all will 
happen exactly as ordered. The sister of [Gen. Sir Robert] 
Wilson, who is known in France for having abetted La 
Valette's escape, is at Brussels ; and she and Lord Cochrane, 
who was there a while ago, have spoken about the expedition 
to Colonel Jeannot, nephew of the General of that name, who 
has just reached Philadelphia, and have marked out General 
Raoul for the leadership of this venture. Buonaparte himself 
told Rousseau that he counted upon the above General, when 
giving him the plan of the Island. 

General Brayer discussed this plot with Raoul before 
leaving Buenos Ayres, and promised to send him the French 
officers who had served under each of them. Generals 
Clauzel, Grouchy, Desnouettes, the Lallemand's, and he 
[Raoul] met last Thursday at the house of Joseph Buonaparte 
to debate the plan. Colonel Grouchy had taken no part in 
this conspiracy, but Joseph had him summoned by his brother. 

A light schooner, armed with 4 guns of 12, and 12 to 16 
smaller pieces, having each 300 rounds of ammunition, is 
ready to leave this port for St. Helena, with the object of 
observing the position of the English cruisers and the strength 
of the English forces, and turning back to meet the expedition 
with a report of it. She is fitted out by Stephen Girard. The 
guns are in the hold. When Buonaparte reaches the United 
States, the plan is to take him in a frigate to Cherbourg, there 
to try his fortune. Grouchy and Clauzel are the two who 
transmit Joseph's orders to the other officers. Rousseau and 
Archambault, valets of Buonaparte, who have arrived here, 
were bearers of letters from him to Joseph, Clauzel, Grouchy, 
Desnouettes, and the Lallemand's. In them was related all 
that is taking place at St. Helena. The inhabitants are much 
inclined to Buonaparte.^ These two men know the Island 
well, and have- made the whole round of it several times. 

^ Sont tr^ port6s pour B. 


Landiecchi, a Corsican by birth, is entrusted with Joseph's 
police, and sent Astolphi, on June 4th last, in the American 
Brig, General Jackson, to Leghorn, with two packages, one for 
liarie Louise and the other for Lucien. 

Piontkowski was the bearer of letters from Buonaparte to 
Cambac^r^, Fouch6, Camot, Merlin de Douay. Santtni 
took other letters for the same people, and, besides, three 
decorations, of the Legion of Honour, the Iron Crown, and 
the Reunion, with plaques, and two locks of hair for the 
Archduchess Marie Louise and her son. 

Poli, who is in command of the fort of Gavi near Genoa, an 
ex-colonel of chasseurs, and another colonel are to carry off 
Buonaparte's son and hand him over to Lucien, who will 
bring him here. 

It is said that Joseph has already given a deal of money to 
Cobbett to write against England, and has promised m(»e. 
Cobbett is settling at Jamaica, in Long Island, where are 
Rousseau, Archambault, and many French officers. The 
sons {sic) are bearers of correspondence for Joseph and the 

The schooner which is now here is to embark a general. 

The men are enrolled as if for privateering against the 

Spaniards. The two other schooners will be purchased and 

fitted out, one at Baltimore and the other at Annapolis. 

There will be 74 cabins. There are by now at Baltimore 

70 officers. They have received a 100 dollars apiece from 


(L.P., 20,1x9, ff. 144*147) 


ff. Chamberlain to CasOereagh, Rio de Janeiro, 

Nov. 15, 1817. 

The arrivals of Frenchmen at Pemambuoo : one confesses 
to the ' plot ' ;— 

' It was intended to fit out one or more fast sailing vesseb 
. . . sufficiently capacious to contain several small steam- 
boats. These vesseb after making the Island of St. Helena 
were to keep at a considerable distance from it. . . . The 



steam boats were then t&he prepared, and as they were to be 
sent at night and manned by persons determined to brave 
every danger, it was hoped that some one of them might be 
fortunate enough to succeed in setting their late Emperor at 
liberty. This notion of employing steam boats upon such an 
expedition is entirely new and is worth attention, particularly 
when a landing is to be made at St. Helena/ 

(L.P., 20.I20, f. 246.) 



Capel Lofft's Letter on the ' Habeas Corpus.' 

Troston Hall, near Bury, 
q November 8, 1815. 

I pexfaaps owe you an Apology for having so long 
omitted to answer your Letter. You will probably have seen, 
however, that I have not been inattentive to the subject of 
it. You will perceive that I answer you rather as a Barrister 
than as an Homme-de-Lettres, though far from regarding 
the two Characters as incompatible. 

I must observe as to an Action, that while we most wrong- 
fully in my opinion treat Napoleon as an Alien Enemy, if our 
Courts should adopt that Construction the Plea of Alien 
Enemy (though Lord EUenborough has justly called it an 
odious Plea) would of course be allowed. 

But I think it would be beneath the Dignity of the Ex* 
Emperor to bring an Action for Damages even if Peace with 
France were concluded and the plea of Alien Enemy conse- 
quently done away. 

The proper remedy is either : — 

(i) By Motion for a Parliamentary Enquiry. 

(2) By Opposition to a Bill of Ratification and Indemnity 
if introduced. 

(3) By Impeachment. 

(4) By Indictment. 

(5) By Habeas Corpus. 

The advantage of the first would be to go to the root of the 
Transaction ; with whatever success besides, stall with the 



certainty of exposing to the Public its Impolicy and Incon- 
sistency with the National Character. 

Of the second, that it would have a better chance, because 
I cannot conceive what Bill could be introduced that would 
not be unfounded in Fact and Constitutional Law, and at 
once ridiculous and odious. Besides that the Ex-£mpeior 
is no Subject of coercive Legislation on our part, being no 
Subject of ours at all, and we having rejected the only manner 
in which he could have become so, by residing amongst us. 

The ikird, by Impeachment : if Parliament were in its right 
State and our Constitution in vigour, this would be the most 
dignified and appropriate course. I need scarcely say how 
little could be hoped from it at present. 

The fourik, by Indictment, might be founded on a Con- 
spiracy at Common Law, and also have Counts applicable 
to the Statutes of Habeas Corpus, i6 Car. I. c. lo ; 31 Car. II. 
c. 2. By these an illegal Imprisonment, though claiming 
to be by Authority of the King in Council, is reacht and the 
Penalties incurred, among which is perpetual Incapacity of 
the Offenders for Office, in the case of this very Offence, 
sending any subject forcibly from England beyond the Seas. 
It does not say ' natural bom subject ' ; and "Bonaparte was 
a tonporary Subject — as much as the Emperor of Russia and 
the King of Prussia last year. 

As to the fifik remedy by Habeas Corpus, it was neglected 
though urged while yet he was detained mtbin the Realm of 
England. It was supposed not applicable, I know not 
wherefore. Not only as to place, as I informed Sir Francis 
Burdett, the Main Sea is within reach of the Habeas Corpus ; 
but Jersey, Guernsey, Berwick, the Plantations, all the 
Dominions of the Crown of England are subject to the Habeas 
Corpus, Mandamus, Certiorari a$ gieat prerogative Writs 
everjrwhere probative of Right and Liberty. Had this Method 
been taken, the Return must have admitted that he was 
declared as Prisoner of War to be sent beyond the Seas, 
namely St. Helena, there to be confined during pleasure by 
Virtue of a Warrant or Order, which it must have set forth, 
and to whom directed. And protesting always, tmder the 
circumstances under which he came, against his being a 


Prisoner of War at all, if he had been such Prisoner he could 
not either agreeable to our own Laws or the Law of Nations 
be so sent and so confined. Prisoners of War are to be tried 
according to the Principles of civilized Warfare and Usages 
consistent with those Principles. Not every or any barbarous 
Custom is to be taken as evidence of the Law of Nations. 
Prisoners of War may have their Rights and Remedies better 
(?) covered by the Municipal Laws of any Country, but they 
cannot agreeably to the Law of Nations be treated in any 
Country with a Severity that the Law and Usage of War, 
which is a part of the Law of Nations, disallows. They are 
under the Protection of the Criminal Jurisprudence of the 
Land : to kill them without legal Authority would be Murther 
punishable by Indictment on behalf of the State; for the 
Remedy is not, like an Action, that of the Individual but of the 
Public. This honourable Class of Prisoners cannot be in a 
worse state than our African Slaves, or a Convict for an offence 
for which Transportation is not provided by Law — ^neither of 
whom can be forcibly sent beyond the Seas to be confined 

I am, Sir, respectfully, 

yr. obedt. h. servant, 

{Signedj Cafel Lofft. 

P.S. — Persons under Military Custody have been expressly 
decided both before Lord Mansfield and Lord EUenborough, 
with the other Judges for the time being, to be within the 
Remedy of the Act of Habeas Corpus. 

This great and singular Case will, as I know from several 
Members of both Houses, be undoubtedly brought under 
Discussion in some shape or other when Parliament shall at 
last meet. And I hope every Friend of Constitutional Right, 
Universal Law, Justice, and Humanity will then give his Aid. 

C. L. 
To THB Rbv. Gbo. SoifMBRs Clarkb, D.D. 
Waltham, nr. Chelmsford, Essex. 

[Conununicated by Miss Lofit Holden.] 


Capel Lofft's Letter to the Comte de Millerayb, 


GIFT OF A Lock of Hair. 


MoNsmoR IE Comte. "^"^^ '5. 1815. 

I cannot express to you or even rightly gauge myself 
the sentiments of gratitude, esteem, and veneration by which 
I am moved towards the august person and character of the 
Greatest of Men. I shall always cherish and, I trust, transmit 
to my most distant posterity the priceless gage of the con- 
sideration wherewith I have been honoured by Napoleon 
Bonaparte, Emperor, Legislator, General, Philosopher — ^illus- 
trious in prosperity and greater still in adversity ; whose great 
deeds History, ay, even Poetry, will be powerless to cope 
with ; of whom the simplest Memory^ will be the worthiest 
Monument for all time, as with Caesar his Commeniaries ; a 
Man whom every Nation, every Century shall call great and 
think greater still in their hearts ; a Man who will be eternally 
honoured for [his advancement of] Arts and Sciences, for his 
plans for the enfranchisement and amelioration of Mankind* 
and for his noble devotion ; a Man whom the impartial Future 
WOl know how to reverence even more for his virtues than his 
talents. He is no foe to my country. He has reposed the 
highest-minded trust in the Laws and the Constitution of 
England, and in the generosity of character of Englishmen, 
my fellow-countrymen. He has come to England as a friend. 
It is for the English Government to answer what return it has 
made for that generous confidence (which it ought to have 
rightly appraised), at the risk of it^ eternal good name. There 
are Members of both Houses, amongst the most patriotic, who 
'will call it to account. 

I think nevertheless that that portion of the English Nation, 
whether officers of both Services, or statesmen and politicians, 
who has had the good fortune to see and hear Bonaparte (as 
weU as the plain people of all classes and both sexes), has 
proved worthy of the good opinion he had formed of us when 

^ La plus simple MSmoire. Query : Le plus simple Mimaire ? 


he resolved to visit [sic) our Island. When I say ' Bonaparte/ 

I say aU : neither epithet nor title can add to the name. 

My efforts, such as they were, di<f not deserve so gieat a 

tribute as this lock of hair, which has adorned a head for ever 

illustrious by virtue of its Thoughts and' its Labours whether 

in War or Peace. Although I was moved (and what man 

would not have been moved ?) whta I reflected upon whai 

Personage would devolve the duty of deciding the great 

Question [i.e., EiHe], I deemed that the latter concerned even 

more my Country and its Laws and Constitution, the Rights 

of Men and of Nature, Justice, Philanthropy, and universal 

Liberty and national esteem ; and that hence we could not 

touch Napoleon, who was always superior to circumstances : 

and I endeavoured to save my Country from the sole inefiEace- 

able disgrace that it has ever su£Eered. . . . Deign, Monsieur le 

Comte, to accept my thanks and gratitude for the good 

opinion you have been pleased to entertain of my e£Eorts, and 

for the consideration which, as a friend of Napoleon, you have 

esctended unto me. My Mrishes for the health and happiness 

of the most illustrious and the best of men, and for those brave 

friends who have followed his fortunes with a steadfast fidelity, 

will always accompany you whithersoever Providence may 

lead you. 4 

I am, etc. 

[Signed) Capel Lopft. 
(CO. Records, 247. 4.) 


Absix, Mn. (cited) ; 202 note 

Ambortt, Ixvd ; 29, 252 and note, 

Aiigoidi6me, Dachesse d' ; 50. 125, 

Anti-GaUican, the ; 229 

Antommarchi, Dr. ; 11, 162, 174 
note, 192 note 

Archambanlt (servant to Napo- 
leon) ; 99, 120. 154, 161, 210, 235 

Amottp Dr. ; xi, 21, 192 note 

Ascension, Island of ; 245 note 

Antric ; 184, 191 

Baiixon ; 184, 191 

Balcombe (Purveyor at Lon^- 
wood) ; aider to, 63 ; his hospi- 
talities, 71 note, 72 note, iii, 
205 note : and Cape Contracts, 
no ; at l^iars, 201 ; complaints 
against, 209 note; his nealth, 
225 note 

Balinski ; 42 note, 49 

Bahnain, Connt; Lowe's opinion 
of, 27 ; on Hook, 28 note ; and 
Piontkowski, 72 ; and Lowe, 
93 note; and reading matter, 
174 note ; departure, 259 

Bartng Brothers ; 164 

Barker ; 78, 209 note 

Barnes; 95 note, X2X note, 249 

Bassano, Maret, Due de ; x8o 

Bathurst, Lord ; and Napoleon^s 
papers, 7 ; and the rats, '81 
note ; and the Declarations, 86 ; 
and Xx>we's corren>ondence, 115 
and note ; and Malcolm, ii8 ; 
and Madame Piontkowska, 149, 
150 ; and Madame Las Cases, 
151 ; gift of books, 175 note; 
and Napoleon's keep, 177 note; 
on the Navy, 213 note ; 215 
note ; on the Limits, 219 note ; 
his Speech, 220 note ; instruc- 
tions for seeing Napoleon, 227 

Baxter, Dr. ; 23, 225 note 
Beauhamais, Eugdne de ; 178 note 
Beauhamais, Hortense de; 179, 

198 note 
Beckett ; 152, 199 
Beker, G^^al ; 49, 179, 180 note 


Bernadotte, Marshal ; 173 note 

Berri, Due de ; 12, 259 

Bertjiier, Marfrhal ; 178 note 

BertUlon, M. ; a 

Bertrand, Comte ; and Blakeaey, 
15 ; and Lyster, 19 ; ostndaed, 
20; and Piontkowaki, 45, 47, 
49> 66, 97, 100; his aloofness, 
58 ; and Fkuitkowaki's reoiovai, 
87 ; and the Nagle Afbir, 90 ; 
leaves Hntt's Gate, xoo; on 
Croad, 103 note; hears from 
Piontkowski, x6^; orders to 
postmaster, 183 ; mtervenes for 
Piontkowski, 199; and Lowe's 
first call, 232 ; Piontkowski 'a 
tribute, 233 ; return to Europe, 
235 ; Pagan's tribute, 251 note. 

Bertrand, Comtesse; and Piont- 
kowski, 100, 181, 187 note; and 
Napoleon, 58, 184 ; her health, 
225 note ; in praise of her hus- 
band, 234 

Bertrand, Napoleon ; 12, 66, i8z» 
260 note 

Bibliothdque Nationale ; 5 

Bingham, Sir G. ; 70 note ; 225 

Birnunghaffi, Lieutenant ; 74 and 

Blacker, Colonel ; 262 

Blakeney, Captain, O.O. ; 14, 15, 
205 note 

Bloomfield, Robert; 141 

Bonaparte, J6r6me ; 145, 166 

Bonaparte, Joseph ; 14 note, 179, 
191, 207 note, 287 

Bonaparte, Letizia, Madame M^e ; 
164, 179. 248 

Bonaparte, Pauline ; 262 note 

Bonnefoux (Pr6fet Maritime) ; 49 




note, 171 note, 183, 184, 185 

Boorman ; 225 note 
Boswell (citedj ; 142 
Boulay de la Menrthe ; 180 note 
Bowerbank; 49 
Boyce (cited) ; 51 
Boys (Senior Chaplain) ; 14, 1x4 

note, 225 note, 253 
Breame ; 63, 205 note, 209 note 
Broadley, A. M. ; 4 note, 81 note, 

x66 note 
Brooke (Member of Council and 

Secretary) ; 70 note, Z13, 122 

Bnfion; 4 
Bullock ; 79 note 
Bunbnry, Sir H. ; 149, 178 note 
Buonavita, Abb6 ; 7, 30, 1x6 note, 

225 note, 262 note 
Burdett, Sir F. ; 8, 90. 149. 156. 

Burton, Dr. ; 174 note, 263 note 

Cabany (Piontkowski's ' Biogra- 
pher ') ; 5. 46. 48, 127, 163. X87 
Cambac^rds, Due de Panne ; X02 
Cambronne, G^n^al ; 42 note 
Caricatures ; 35, 60 note, 81 note 
Camot, Lazare ; 102, X73 note 
Carr ; xxo, 209 note 
Carroll; no 
Castlereagh, Lord ; 148 note, i6x, 


Chandelier (cook at Longwood) ; 
225 note, 252 note 

Chaucer (cited) ; 129 

Chautard ; 42 note 

Qiesney, Lieutenant; 254 and 

Cipriani (servant to Napoleon) ; 
X3, 136, z6o, 210, 225 note 

Cobbett ; 121 note, 289 

Cobbold, Mrs. ; X43 note, X47 
note, 163 

Cochrane, Captain, R.N. ; xo6, 

Codbrane, Lord ; 287 

Cockbum, Rear-Admiral Sir G. ; 
and Piontkowski, 137, 154; 
contrasted with Xx>we, 176, 178, 
230 ; and the Longwood furni- 
ture, 177 note; and sailors at 
Lon^ood, 213 note; denied 
admission, 233 

Coffin, Brigadier-General, 260 

Cole (Postmaster) ; 65 note, 205 
note, 251 note 

Consalvi, Cardinal ; 94 note 

Cooper; 215 

Corvisart (Physician to the Em- 
peror) ; 179 note, X92 note, 198 

Crabb Robinson ; 142 

Croad, Ensign ; 18, 102 and note 

Crokat. Captain, O.O. (for a week); 
261 note, 263 note, 280 note 

Croker, J. W. ; 177 note, 245 note 

Cruikshank, George ; 35 

Dacrb ; 251 note 

Danican, G€n€ral ; 184 note 

Darling ; 225 note 

Damiey, Lord ; 157 

Davie, Captain R.N. ; 153, 266 

Deadwood Caznp ; 63 note, 88 

Declaration of Troppau ; see Trop- 

Declarations, the; 8x, 99, 128, 189 

226, 247 
Decrds, Due ; 180 and note, 185 
De Fountain ; 67 note 
Devonshire, Duke of ; 135, 166 
Dillon, Captain, R.N. ; 258 and 

Dodgin, Colonel; 74, 247 and 

Dombrowski ; 43 note 
Donkin, Sir R. ; 259 note 
Dove ; 62 note 
Doveton (Member of Council) ; 

23, 225 note, 228 note, 253 
Doveton, Lieutenant ; 214 note 
Drouot. G^^ral; 44. 46, 183, 

204, 241 
Duckworth, Rear - Admiral Sir 

J. T. ; 145. 200, 201 
Dumouriez Manuscript ; 4 

Elba, Island of ; 41, 42 note 

Ellis ; 207 note, 262 

Engravings ; 57 note, 63 note, 262 

Exmouth, Lord ; 22X note, 248 


Fabry ; 49 

Fagan, Colonel ; 251 and note 

Farquhsjr (Governor of Mauritius); 

X96 note, 207 note 
Fauche-Borel ; 150 
Fesch, Cardinal ; 33, 179 
Festing, Captain, R.N. ; 250 and 

Fintosld ; 42 note 
Firmin (schoolmaster) ; X73 note 
FitzGerald, Lieutenant; 18, 69, 

88, 136 
Flahaut, Cosnte de ; X38 note, 252 



Fleury de Chabonlon, (cited) ; 46, 
173 note, 189 note, 259 

Forsyth; his book, 6; his sup- 
pression of {irivate letters. 7 ; 
8, 8 note, of incidentals, 9 ; his 
deponents, 13 ; on Lutyens, 17 ; 
on Bertrand, 19 ; his choice of 
docnments, 21 ; and the isola- 
tion of Longwoodp 21 ; and the 
St. Helena climate, 23 ; his 
partiality, 24 ; and Montholon, 
25 : his pet pursuit, 28 ; and 
the Last Illness, 20, 31, 193 note, 
195 note, 197 note ; his present- 
ment of St. Helena, 31 ; his 
euphemisms, 33 ; xi8, his trans- 
lation, 33 ; his transcription, 
33 ; his judgment on Napoleon, 
34 ; his predface, 35 ; his bowd- 
lerizing, 77 note; and the De- 
clarations, 81 ; and the Lowe- 
Malcohn Afiair, 107 ; quotes 
Lowe on Piontkowski, 124 ; 
and M. Masson, 129 ; his in- 
accuracy, 159 note ; and the 
complaints against purveyors, 
209 note 

Pontainebleau ; 46 ; Treaty of, 43 
and note 

Fouch6, Due d'Otrante ; 48, 102, 
173 note, 181, 187 note 

Foureau de Beauregard (Physician 
to the Emperor), 191 note 

Fowler; 78, no, 209 note, 269 
note, 286 

Fraser ; 257 and note 

Fr6meaux, Paul; 13, 21, 26, 31, 
213 note 

Gambibr, Captain, R.N. ; 191 
Gentilini (servant to Napoleon) ; 

68 note, 210, 260 and note 
Gilis (servant to Napoleon) ; 182, 

187 note 
Glover (cited) ; 54 note, 202 
Goldsmith, Lewis ; 70 note, 145 
Gonnard, Philippe; 75 note, 76 
note, 138 note, 174 note, 192 
note, 252 note 
Gorrequer, Major, A.D.C. ; xo and 
note ; his complaint, 69 and 
note ; and Gourgaud's papers, 
98 ; his French, 103 note ; inter- 
views Malcolm, 113 ; his depar- 
ture, 263 note 
Goulburn, Henry ; 138, 152, 164 
Gourgaud, G^n&al ; his rank, 47 ; 
and Stupinski, 48; his spleen, 
58 ; his mother, 65 and note ; 
his account of Waterloo, 77 

note; his papers, 98; his tea- 
caddy, 100, 132. i6r ; on Piont- 
kowski at the Cape, 120, 136 ; 
his Editors, 120 note ; 134, 138 
note; M. Masson's deponent, 
127 ; his inaccuracy, 132 ; on 
Piontkowski in London, 136; 
and Smolensk, 137 ; his oftences, 
138 ; bis letter to Madame de 
Montholon, 139 note ; his letter 
to Lowe, 140 note ; helped by 
the Friends, 162 ; and the Em- 
peror's Letter to the Regent, 189 

Graebke ; 49 note 

Gray, Captain, R.A. ; 92 

Greentree (Member of Council) ; 
71 note 

Hall, Basil ; 252 
Hall, Miss ; 254 and note 
Hammond, G^eral, 152 
Harrington ; no, in note, 250 

Harrison, Brigade-Major ; 122 

note, 222 
Hastings, Lord ; 196 note, 251 note 
Havannah, HM,S. ; 85, 131, 268 
Head ; 29 note 
Heathorn ; no, 250 note 
Hendry, Captain, R.N. ; 261 note, 

263 note, 280 note 
Henry, Surgeon ; 11, 13, 23, 252 
H^y, Madame ; 147 
Hobhouse ; 269 note 
Hodson, Major ; 97, 122 note, 225 

note, 249 note, 253 note 
Holden, Miss C. Lofit ; 142 
Holland, Lord ; 8, 156, 157 
Holland, Lady; 172 note, 174 

note, 248 note 
Home ; 49 note 
Hone (cited) ; 51 
Hook, Theodore ; 28 note, 67 note, 

173 note, 255 and note 
Horeau, Dr. ; 198 note 
' Hornemann, Georges ' ; x6o 
Hotham, Sir Henry ; 190 
Houssaye, Henry; 42, 49, 180 


Ibbetson, Deii2il; 22, 66 note, 

71 note, 209 note, 263 note 
Irving ; 269 note 

Jackson, Basil ; 13, X02 note, 257 

and note 
Tackson, Major ; 18 
Tanisch ; 66 note, 140 note 
Jardine, Surgeon; 157, 158, 251 




Jerzmanowski, Baron ; 42 note ; 
45 and note, 48, 167, 183 

Joinville, Plrmce de ; 122 note 
ones. Captain, R.N. ; X17 note 

Kay, Dr. ; 72, 95 note, n6 note 
Keating, Colonel ; 28 and note, 
219 note, 248 and note, 254 note 
Keith, Lord ; 145, 199 
Knipe ; 257 and note 
Krasinski ; 43 note 

Labadib ; 45 note 
Labedoydre; 183 
Laborde ; 45 note, 46 
Laffitte ; 179 note, 198 note 
Lallemaad, Gto6ral ; 146, 184, 

Lanxbert, Rear- Admiral ; 22, 2x5 

note, 277, 278 note 
Laroche (000k at Longwood) ; 252 

Las Cases, Comte de ; 7, 58, X23» 

Las Cases, Enunannel ; 69, X84, 

Lascelles* Colonel ; 20, 255, 259 

Last Illness, Napoleon's; suspi- 
cions concerning, 16 ; tiie liver 
question, 20, 196 note; For- 
syth's account of, 3X ; note on, 
X92 note; Lamb^ on, 2x5 
note, 279 note ; Lowe and, 228 

Lavalette ; x8o and note 

LePage (cook at Longwood) ; 2x0, 
225 note, 252 note, 233 

Leveret, H.M.S. ; 70 note, X33 

Lieven, Count ; X63 

Limits, Napoleon's; 8, 2x9 and 

Livingstone, Dr. ; 9, xx, xx6 note, 
225 note 

Lockwood ; X22 note 

Lofft, Capel ; the Emperor's gifts 
to, X02, 294 ; his person, 14X ; 
his admiration of Napoleon, 
X42 ; his tributes to him, 142 
note, X4^note, 294 ; on slanders 
on NapNDieon, X43 note ; and the 
Habeas Corpus, X44, 29X ; and 
Savary, X46 ; and Fiontkowski, 
X46 ; and Madame Piontkowska, 
X46 ; at Calais, X50 ; his name, 
1J3 ; cited, X56 

Lont, Mrs. ; her letter to Madame 
Piontkowska, X47 

Lofft, Laura ; see lady Trevelyan 

Longwood ; isolation, 2X ; wines, 
58 note, 62 note, 66 note; 

drunken stablemen and others, 
62 note ; window-panes, 64 
note; Napoleon's servants, 68 
note, 210 ; Chinese, 68 note ; 
intrusions, 74, 226, 253 note ; 
milk, 79 note ; curious, 79 
note ; pianos, 79 note ; the old 
house, 79 note, 224 note ; de- 
predations, 79 note, 96 note, 
209 note ; rats, 81 note ; sketch 
of, 92 note ; la jupe, 96 note, 
254 note; the new house, 96 
note, 256 note ; reading matter, 
X72 note, 248 ; furniture, X77 
note; 259 note; messes, 204 
note ; ' French vagabonds ' at, 
207 note; supplies, 208 note, 
227 ; bread, 209 note ; butter, 
209 note ; Northumberland 
sailors at, 2x2-216, 270; plans 
of, 257 note 

Loudoun, Countess of ; 94, 247 

Louis XVIII. ; 48 

Louis, Lieutenant ; 92, 249 

Lowe, Sir Hudson ; the ' Lowe 
Papers,' 5 ; and Napoleon's 
papers, 7; his suspiciousness, 
9 note, 92 note, 260 note, 285 ; 
reproved by Bathurst, xo note, 
1x8 note ; his interference, xo, 
II ; and Dr. Verling, xo ; on 
Piontkowsld, 8, 47 and note, 
87* 91* Z04, X09, X24 ; on An- 
tommarchi, xi ; on the Last Ill- 
ness, x6 note, 279 note ; ostra- 
cizes Bertrand, 20; isolates 
Longwood, 23 ; interviews witb, 
Montholon, 25 ; on the three 
Commissioners, 27 and note; 
on Hook, 28 note; and Buon- 
avita, 30 ; at Bautzen, 43 ; on 
Las Cases, 58 note; on the 
Solomons, 70 note ; and Popple- 
ton, 74, 1x8 note ; on St. Helena, 
84, 103 note; his circumlocu- 
tion, 85 ; and Balmain, 93 note ; 
his unfortunate joke, 94 note ; 
confines Piontkowsld to bounds, 
97 ; his letter to Somerset about 
Piontkowsld, X04 ; his resent- 
ment against Malcolm, xo6, 1x8 
note ; and Las Cases' departure, 
107 ; at the Last Interview, xo8 ; 
and Piontkowski's return, X09 ; 
and the Cape Contracts, xio; 
his attitude towards the Navy, 
XXX, 21^ note ; his correspond- 
ence wititi Bfalcolm, xx2, X17 ; his 
verbal hair-splitting, X14 note ; 
his treatment of Boys, x 15 note ; 



and the Onmiss, 123 ; his voU^- 
face, 124 ; on Napoleon, 137, 
279 note; his account of tiie 
Jardine incident, 15S-9; on 
Santini, 159 ; and the censor- 
ship, Z72 note ; his carriage, 177 
note; on O'Meara, 192 note; 
on Dr. Shortt, 196 note ; and 
Dr. Arnott, 19^ note; and 
Montholon's voUe-face, 196 
note ; his observation to Hast- 
ings, 196 note ; and table ex- 
penses, 204 note, 223 ; his scat- 
tered informers, 207 note ; and 
sailors at Longwood, 212 ; on 
Plampin, 2x3 note; and Plam- 
pin, 214 note; and Lambert, 
215 note ; and Longwood passes, 
226 ; his disingenuonsness, 226 ; 
his ' delicacy, 227 note ; and 
the Persian, 229 ; his first call 
at Longwood, 232 ; and Napo- 
leon's title, 251 note ; and the 
Ripley A&ir, 256 note; 285, 
his departure, 263 

Lowe, Lady ; 23, 65 note, 94 note 

Lowther, Lord; 199 

Lnson; zio 

Lutyens, Captain, O.O. ; and spy- 
ing, 15 ; on his duties, 16 ; 
Napoleon's attentions to him, 
17 ; deposed, 18 ; memorializes 
the Duke of York, 18 ; and R.N. 
Captains, 215 note 

Lyster, Lieutenant*Colonel, O.O. ; 
18, 19 and note 

Lyttelton, Lord (cited) ; 52, 199 

Maceroni ; 156, 157 

McKenrot ; 145 and note 

Maingaud (Surgeon to the Em- 
peror) ; 188 note, 191 and note, 

Maitland, Captain, R.N. ; 49 note 
(cited), 53 note. 

Maitland, Mr. ; 22 

Malcolm, Rear-Admiral Sir Pul- 
teney ; on Hook, 29 note ; at 
the Cape, 105 ; and PiontkOw- 
ski's return, 106 ; ofiers of 
mediation, 107 note; at the 
Last Interview, 1 08; and Reade's 
spying, 109 and note ; his corre- 
spondence with Lowe, 1x2-1 17 ; 
pursued by Lowe, 118 note; 
sends papers to Napoleon, 174 
note ; and the Amphytriie, 185 
note ; and the shot at the New- 
eastU, 214 note ; the ' Anglo- 
Scot,' 233 ; his Journal, 273 

Malcolm, Lady ; xo8, 2S0 note 
Malmaison, La ; 47 
Malta ; 54, 175 
Manning ; 251 and note 
Mansel, Captain ; 88, loi 
Marchand (Premier Valet) ; 36, 

80 note, 92 note, 210 
Marie-Louise, Empress; 102, 114 

Marryat, Captain, R.N. ; 261 and 

note, 278 
Martin, Aim6 ; 166 and note 
Mason ; 23, 72, 219 note 
Masson, Fr6d6ric ; his article, 5 ; 
cited, 47; and Santini, 102 note ; 
his judgment on Piontkowski, 
Z26, 165 note ; his faults, 126-8 ; 
and the Declaration, 129-13X ; 
and the livrst, X3Z-2 ; and the 
incident of February 5, zSi6, 
Z32; and the portmanteau, 
X35 ; and the BeUeropkom, X35 ; 
and Piontkowski's conespond- 
ence, X35 ; and the Cape 
sojourn, Z36; and Gcmrgand's 
'mission,' Z38 note; and 
Madame Pion&owska, 159-14Z, 
Z49 ; his inference, X53 ; and a 
payment, Z64 ; and tiie Martin 
fetters, x66 note ; and the 
second marriage, x68 ; and the 
Last Illness, Z92 note ; and the 
climate, 224 note ; and Laroche, 
252 note ; and Montchenu's re- 
turn, 264 note 
Mayer de St. Paul ; 49 note ; 

cited, 5X 
Melville, Lord ; 29 note, 280 note 
Mercher, Captain ; Z83, 184, 191 
Merlin de Douai ; Z02, 289 
Mitchell, Surgeon ; X93 note, 280 

Molesworth, Lord ; 29, 250 
Montchenu, Marquis de; and 
Montholon, 25 ; ' imperialized,' 
25 note ; on Hook, 28 note ; his 
apothegm, 73 note ; and the 
Lowe christening, 94 note; as 
a diner-out, 95 note ; cm Piont- 
kowski, zoo; on the King of 
Rome, ZZ4 note; and reading 
matter, X74 note ; his health, 
225 note; his departure, 263 
and note 
Montesquiou, Madame de; i8x, 

187 note 
Monmolon, Comte de ; and Jack- 
son, Z3 ; as a wag, Z4 note ; and 
Lutyens, z6 ; and the Last Ql- 
z6 note; Z94 note, and 



Montcbenu. 25 and note ; and 
the new ph3rsician, 33 ; his 
greed, 58 ; clandestine corre- 
spondence, 70, 71 note ; ' the 
liar/ 76 and note ; his ' Letter ' 
[* Napoleon's Protest '], 89, 157, 
1^8, 175 and note, 222, 251 ; 
cited, 155 note; his voUe-face, 
196 note ; and supplies, 209 
note ; and the Persian, 211 ; 
and Piontkow9ki's seat, 217 ; 
his health, 225 note ; on Loc^- 
wood, 246 note 

Montholon, Madame de ; her 
health, 9, 225 note ; her jealonsy 
of Afadame Bertrand, 58 ; and 
Napoleon, 184; her departnre, 
257 and note 

Montholon, Tristan de ; 140 note 

Mulhall; 22 

Muskerry, Lord ; 30, 255 

Naglb, Lieutenant; 88, 89, 103, 

Napoleon ; escape feared, 7 ; his 

Spers, 7 ; his limits {^q,v.) ; his 
ist Illness (g.v.) ; his tribute 
to O.O.'s, 14, 17, 74 ; his gilts : 
to Boys, 14, to Lut^ens, 17, to 
Robinson junior, 60 note, to 
servants, 68 note, to Aiarchand, 
70 note, to Poppleton, 74* to 
Capel Lofft, 102, 294, to Plont- 
kowsld. 123, to saUocs, X85 
note, 216, to Cooper, 215 ; 
' seeing ' him, 15, 227 note ; his 
cardening, x6, 33, 97 note ; his 
fortitude, 34 ; his Decree of 
AprU 27, 1815, 41, 239; his 
Proclaniations of March x, 1815, 
42 ; his journey to Rochefort, 
49 ; on the BelUrophon, 49, 190, 
265; at Torbay, 50; on the 
Nortkumberkmd, $1, 199, 270; 
and his Followers at Longwood, 
56, 57 note ; his Housdiold, 6x 
note ; his watches, 70 note ; his 
Memoirs, 76 note ; hour of 
death, 80 note ; his epithet for 
Lowe, 85 ; denied a telescope, 
93 note ; his dress, 97 note, 231 ; 
and Piontkowski's departure, 
99; his Last Interview with 
Lowe, Z08; his letter to Las 
Cases, 131 ; and the Habeas 
■ Corpus, 144-5 ; and reading 
matter, 172 note, 248 note ; his 
death-mask, 174 note, 263 note ; 
an3^his keep, 177 note, 22^ ; 
his funds, 177 note, 230 ; at La 

Malmaison, 179 and note; at 
Niort, 182 ; at Rochefort, 183, 
184 ; at the Isle of Aix, r86 ; 
his reply to d«>utations, z86 ; 
his letter to the Regent, 189 
and note ; his charm, 190 note ; 
and Hotham, 190 ; his health, 
192 and note ; his sick-bed, 193 
note ; his treatment by Arnott 
and Antommarchi, 193 note to 

196 note ; his liver, 196 note, 

197 note ; cited, 198 note ; and 
Piontkowski's arrival, 201 ; 
questions him, 203, 205 ; offers 
him a seat at his table, 205 ; his 
kindness to him, 205, 216, 218 
note ; on St. Helena, 206 ; and 
his Family, 207 ; his altruism, 
208, 233 ; on the Chinese, 208 ; 
bets on his escape, 207 note ; 
his reproof to Santini and No- 
verraz, 211 ; his reproach to 
Montholon, 2x2 ; and the 53rd, 
223, 226; on violations of his 
privacy, 227 note ; on his deten- 
tion, 230 ; his habits and diet, 
230-x ; his last words to Piont- 
kowski, 234; his attitude to- 
wards Lowe, 233 ; his title, 251 
note ; ' plot ' for his escape, 287 

Napoleon II., Roi de Rome, Due 
de Reichstadt; X02, XX4 note, 
x8x, X87 note 

Nicholls, Captain, O.O. ; his foot- 
ing at Longwood, x6; his 
' crime,' 31 ; and Napoleon's 
gardening, x6, 33, 97 note ; his 
vigilance, 96 note ; his Journal, 
96 note; and 'seeing Napo- 
leon,' 227 note; his delicacy, 
228 note 

Nicolas, Sir Harris ; 6 

Noverraz (servant to Napoleon) ; 

Oginski ; 43 note 

O'Meara; his attitude towards 
Lowe, xo; on the Followers, 
57 note; saving up, 67 note; 
his character, 75 ; his EMpoH- 
tion, 157. 258 note ; helped by 
the Friends, X62 ; his French, 
192 and note ; and Piontkowski's 
arrival, 20X ; at Balcombe's, 205 
note ; Plami>in's epithet for him. 
2x3 note ; his health, 225 note 

Paoli, Pasquale ; 231 note 
Payne ; 225 note 
P61i8sier ; 44 



Pellet ; 44 note 
Persian servant ; 209-^12 
Peyrusse ; 42 note ; 44 note, 45 
Fhilibert, Commandant ; 184 and 

Pierron (servant to Napoleon) ; 
68 note, 208 note, 210, 257 note 
Piontkowski ; a ' figure of mys- 
tery/ 3 ; the Polish Follower, 3 ; 
his LsUers, 3, 47, 75, 78. 79 note, 
85, loi, 104, 135, 149, 156. 162. 
163, 171 ; Lowe's two judg- 
ments upon him, 8, 104, 124 ; 
his name distorted, 41, 49 note, 
52, 206 note ; his handwriting, 
42 note, 61, 164 note ; his early 
years, 43 ; at Bautzen and 
Dresden. 43; at Elba, 43-4; 
Bertrand's regard for him, 45, 
78 ; his parts, 45 ; during the 
Hundred Days, 46; his pro- 
motions, 43, 46, 47, 99, 234 ; his 
petition, 416, 240 ; his journey 
to Rochefort, 48, 181-3 ; and 
Madame Berlxand, 49, 100 ; on 
the BetUrophon, 49 ; on the 
Myrmidon, 50, 191 ; at Torbay, 
50, 193 ; at Plymouth, 50, 194 ; 
on the Eurotas, 50, 196, 200 ; 
and the Northumberland, 51, 
198 ; on the St. George, 54, 200 ; 
his marriage, 54, 200 ; on the 
Cormorant, 55, 200, 266 ; his 
arrival at Longwood, 55, 201 ; 
his salary, 56, 206 and note; 
on the Followers, 57 note, 167, 
218 ; the Emperor's reception 
of him, 60, 202 and note, 217 
and note ; references to him in 
the Diarists, 60 note ; his posi- 
tion at Longwood, 60 ; his day 
at St. Helena, 6i-8z ; his shoot- 
ing, 61 ; his duties, 62, 205 ; 
his order to Balcombe, 63 ; his 
wife's letters, 64, 151, 248 ; at 
luncheon, 65 ; at Jamestown, 
66 ; and Reade, 71, 228 ; and 
Balmain, 72 ; at dinner, 72, 
217 ; at Balcombe's, 72 note ; 
his nature, 78 ; his reverie, 79 ; 
his Declaration, 82, 83, 129, 
1^4 ; his letter to Reade, 83 ; 
his removal ordered, 87 ; and 
the Nagle AfiEair, 88-92 ; and 
privations, 90, 103, 208 and 
note, 223 ; his invitation, 95 ; 
confined to bounds, 97 ; his 

Srotest, 98 ; at Plantation 
[ouse, 98 ; his removal, 99 ; his 
instructions, 99, 175 ; his livret. 

99. 131. 1^2, 234, 242 ; on the 
David, 99, 102, 104 ; searched, 
loi, 234 ; memorises the ' Pro- 
test,' loi, 175, 234 ; bearer of 
letters, 102, 289 ; his talk with 
Croad, 103 ; his treatment at 
the Cape, 104, 136; the ques- 
tion ot his return, no; in the 
Lowe-Malcolm correspondence, 
1 12-3 ; on the Oronies, 119, 
2^1 ; in St. Helena Roads, 120 ; 
his application to Reade. 120 ; 
distinguished from Santini, 123 ; 
and the incident of February 5, 
1816, 132 ; at Smolensk, 137 ; 
contrasted with Gourgaud, 138 ; 
and Capel Lofit, 146 ; the ques- 
tion of his title, 148 note ; re- 
joins his wife, 152, 156, 166; 
nis letter to Bathurst, 154 ; 
his attitude toward Lowe, 
155 ; and Santini's Appeal, 157 ; 
and the Jardine indaent, 157- 
161, 251 and note ; his secret 
memoranda to Gourgaud, 160- 
I ; applies for a passport, 161 ; 
helped by the Friends, 16 z -2, 
164, 243 ; in London, 162 ; and 
Wilson, 162 ; at Troston, 163 ; 
writes the Letters, 163-4 ; writes 
to Bertrand, 164; leaves Eng- 
land, 165 ; arrested at Genoa, 
165 ; his captivity, 165-6 ; re- 
leased, 166 ; with J6r6me. 166 ; 
revisits London, 166; his wife's 
dea1±L, 167 ; his dejection, 167 ; 
his tribute to Napoleon, 167 ; 
his object in joining him, 167, 
205, 217 ; at Geneva, 167-8 ; 
his wanderings, 168 ; his death, 
168 ; his reason for writing the 
Letters, 176 ; his judgment on 
Lowe, 176 ; contrasts nim with 
Cockburn, 176, 178, 230; at 
La Malmaison, 179 ; and Laval- 
lette's visit, 180 note ; at Roche- 
fort, 184 ; on Bonnd[oux, 184, 

188 note ; at the Isle of Aix, 
186 ; on Napoleon's treatment, 

189 note ; on O'Meara, 192 ; 
on Napoleon's health, 193, 222, 
230; and Napoleon's funds, 
I97« 198, note, 230 ; and Keith, 
199 ; and Europe's need for 
Napoleon, 199 ; his farewell 
interview, 199 ; his gratitude to 
the English. 200, 203, 216 (and 
vide anU, 154) ; his taUc with Na- 
poleon, 203 ; domestic arrange- 
ments, 204-5, 205 note, 217 ; 



the Emperor's kindness to him, 
205, 216, 218 note ; and the 
Persian servant incident, 209- 
212, 229; at ReviewSp 216; a 
personal explanation, 216 ; and 
the G^ieral s jealousy, 216 ; on 
the Limits, 219 ; on Bathurst's 
Speech, 221 ; on Montholon's 
Letter, 222 ; on the climate, 
224 ; on Lowe's ' delicacy,' 225 ; 
and Reade's calumnies, 228 ; 
and the Emperor's kind-heart- 
edness, 233 ; iiis tribute to Ber- 
trand, 233-4 * ^^ ^^^ interview 
with Napoleon, 234 ; corrects 
Santini, 235 ; and Bertrand's 
assurance, 235 ; his certificates, 
241 ; his receipts, 243 

Piontkowska, Madame ; her mar- 
riage, 54; her person, 55; at 
Burdett's, 90, 149 ; aspened by 
M. Masson, X41 ; and Capel 
Lofit, 147, 149 ; her voice, 147 
and note ; invited to Troston, 
147 ; and Wilson, 149, 171 ; her 
petitions to Bathurst, 150 ; her 
call on Mrs. Skelton, 151 ; re- 
joins her husband, 152, 136, 
166 ; in the United States, z66 ; 
her death, 167 

Plampin, Rear- Admiral Robert; 
on r^icholls, 31 ; and the Solo- 
mons, 71 note; and the Cape 
Contracts, no ; and the censor- 
ship, 172 note ; and reading 
matter, 174 note ; and Lowe, 
213 note ; on O'Meara, 213 note ; 
on the Spanish Uprising, 214 
note ; his Journal, 273 ; his 
spying, 284 

Planat ; and Piontkowski, 47, 54 ; 
and Capel Lofit, 146; helped 
by the Friends, 162 ; M. Hous- 
saye's authority, 180 note ; on 
the Myrmidon, 191 ; his letter 
to Gourgaud, 253 and note 

Polish officers ; at Elba, 42 note ; 
to accompany the Emperor, 48 

Pon^; z8onote 

Pons de I'H^ranlt ; 42 note 

Ponsonby, Sir William ; 46 

Poppleton, Captain, O.O. ; Long- 
wood tributes to him, 14; on 
Montholon, 58 note; his per- 
sonality, 73-75; 1^ P?n. 73 
note; transmits an invitation, 
95 ; pursued by Lowe, 118 note ; 
and Montholon's letter, 175 
note ; his mess, 204 ; his ae- 
parture, 252 

Postal service; St. Helena, 64 
note; Paris to Rochefort, 182 

Pradt, Archev^que de Malines; 

Prince Regent ; 35, 76, 189, 295 

Pritchard, Major ; 93 note 

Radaica, King of Madagascar ; 
Z15 note 

Radovitch ; 251 

Raffles, Sir S. ; 65, 207 note, 248 

Rainsford (Superintendent of 
Police) ; in, 225 note, 249 and 

Reade, Sir T., D.A.G. ; his 
ferreting, 9 note ; on Lutyens, 
15 note; and the Last Illness, 
17 note, 196 note ; his residence, 
32 and note ; his rank, 32 note ; 
on the stablemen, 62 note; a 
Vendue Master, 67 note; and 
Piontkowski, 7r and note ; 
orders to Croaa, Z02 ; his spy- 
ing, 109, 174 note, 282 ; his de- 
partment, 1 19; his phaeton, 
177 note ; on the depredations, 
209 note; and Chesney, 254 

Reardon, Lieutenant ; 20, 255 

Rees, Mrs. ; 22, 259 and note 

Rfesigny ; 184, 191 

Revolutionary shibboleths ; 56 

Ricketts ; 29, 256 

Ridgway (publisher) ; 157 

Ripley, Captain, H.E.I.C. ; 256 
ana note, 285 

Robinson ; 60 note, 72 ; his 
daughter, 58, 59, 252 

Romilly, Sir S. ; 150, 162 

Rose, Dr. J. Holland ; 4 note, 179 

Rose (of the Cape) ; no 

RosehMsry, Lord; 3, 24, 31, 56, 

Rousseau (servant to Napoleon) ; 
99. 102, 120, 161, 210, 235 

Rovigo ; SS0 Savary 

Rutledge, Surgeon ; 192 note, 197 

SANma (servant to Napoleon) ; 
his shooting, 6z, zoo; his de- 
portation, 99 ; and Montholon's 
Letter, loi, Z02 note, 157 ; his 
letter to Reade, Z20, 159 ; and 
Piontkowski. Z23, 235 ; applies 
to Bathurst, 1$$ ; his Appeal, 
X56» 157. 158. 159. asx » lielped 



by the Ftiends, 162 ; on Piont- 

kowsld, 167 note ;as tailor, 231 ; 

his arrest^ 252 ; bearer oi letters, 

etc., 289 
Savary, Dae de Rovigo ; 49, 140 

note, 146, 179, 184, 252, 266 

Schramm-Macdonald, Professor ; 

Schultz, Colonel ; 42 note, 49, 51, 

184, 191 
Scott, Jas. ; 122 note 
Seale, Major (Member of Conncil) ; 

68 note 
Seaton, R. C. ; 6, 24, 30 
S^gur, Comte de ; 192 note 
Shorter, C. K. ; 28 note, 29 note, 

53 note, 58 note, 96 note, 97 

Shortt, Dr. ; 193 note, 197 note, 

261 and note 
Sixtus v.. Pope ; 279 note 
Skelton ; 64, 06, 68 note, 137, 151, 

211, 247 
Skoronski ; 42 note, 48 
Skrodski; x68 
Sobr^. V. ; 150 
Solomon Family; 63 note, 67 

note, 70 and note, no, 251 note, 

Somerset, Lord Charles ; 29 note, 

104. 105, 123. 106. 259 
South ; 22, 860 and note 
Stael, Madame de ; 173 note 
Stanfell, Captain, R.1M. ; 109 
Stokoe, Dr. ; 31, 1x4 note, 205 

note, 214 note, 225 note, 266 
Stupinski ; 48 

Sturmer, Baron ; 26 and note, 89, 
100, 125, 174 note, 254 and 
St. Denis (servant to Napoleon); 

loi, 189, 210 
St. Helena ; climate, 23, 222, 224 
note ; spying, 31, 282*28^ ; 
post-office service, 64 note ; dis- 
tress, 67 note ; troops^ 88 note, 
245 note, 264 ; assailable, 103 
and note ; sunset, 80 note, 201 
note; trading vessels, xii; 
earthquakes, 112 ; geology, 1x6 
note ; alarms at, X34 ; Service 
jealousy, 213 note, 2x5 note; 
sickness, 225 note, 274, 275, 24 ; 

gossip, 229; mails, 248 note, 

execution, 260 note 
St. HeUna, schooner ; 258 and note 
St. HsUna Press ; 70 note 
St, Helena Records; 67 note, 68 

note, I XX note 
St. Helena Register; 32, 70 note, 

XX5 note 
Ste. Catherine (page) ; 183, 191 

Tapp ; 193 note 

Thackeray ; 252 note 

Thornton, Sir £. ; x6 note, 25 

note, 207 note, 254 note 
Torbett ; 72, i2x note, 225 note, 

Torrens, Sir H. ; 74, X96 note 
Trevelyan, Lady ; 163 
Tristan d'Acunha, Isle of ; 247, 248 
Troppau, Declaration of; X7 note, 

X74 note, 262 
Tyaer, Dr. ; 49, 202 note 

UsMSTON, J. B. ; X96 note, 207 
and note, 247 

VSNDftBNS ; X83 

Verling, Dr. ; 9 and note, xo and 

note, 225 note 
Vesey, Es&er ; 36 
Vivian ; (cited), 44 note 

Walbwska, Madame ; X79 note 
Wardell, Ensign ; 102 note 
Warden, Surgeon ; 53, 6x, X90 
Welle, Botanist; 103, 250 and 

Weston (marshal) ; 249 note 
Wheeler, H. F. B. ; 4 
Wilkes, Governor ; 85, 177 note, 

219 note 
Willaumez, Adxniral ; 145 
Wilson, Sir R. T. ; 3, 43, 138 note, 

X42, X49, X56, X62, 266 note 
Wilson Papers ; 3, xox, 157, X63 
Wright (I^ymaster) ; 66 note, 67 

Wright, Captain, R.N. : 29 note, 

XX7 note 
Wvnyard, Laentenant-ColoDel, 

Sfilitary Secretary; 69 note, 


YouNGHUsBAND, Captain; 88 

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MAR 17 1937 




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LD 21~100m-8,*84 { 

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